toeasur*  rqom 


COL.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  FLOWERS 
MEMORIAL  COLLECTION 


DUKE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
DURHAM,  N.  C. 


PRESENTED  BY 

W.  W.  FLOWERS 


JOSEPH   RU7.ICKA 
BOOKBINDERS 


Cr>  zr?z 


ARAYOFLIGHT; 


^eisilwl 


OR,       < 


A-TREATISE  ON  THE  SECTIONAL  TROUPLES. 


REUW0U8L1  m  MORALLY  CONSIDERED. 


BRYAN    TYSON. 


N.   ('   . 
R     A  I    r  H  o  •' 

.1' 


' 


A  RAY  OF  LIGHT; 


OR, 


A  TREATISE  ON  THE  SECTIONAL  TROUBLES. 


RELIGIOUSLY  AND  MORALLY  CONSIDERED, 


BY 

BRYAN    TYSON. 


BROWER'S  MILLS.  N    C  . 

PUBLISHED     BY     T  II  i:      A  1    Til  0  R 

1862. 


r* 


THE  FLOWERS  COLLECTION 


PREFACE 


My  object  in  writing  this  little  book  is  that  we  may 
soon  see  these  sectional  troubles,  that  threaten  to  des- 
troy o.urojice  happy  country  speedily  settled,  and  without 
the  further  spilling  of  blood. 

I  do  not  claim  perfect  originality  for  this  work.  I  am 
thus  indebted  to  Messrs.  A.  H.  Stevens  of  Georgia  and 
Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts  for  valuable  extracts 
from  their  Writings.  I  am  also  indebted  to  that  exc3l- 
lent  paper,  the  Fayetteville  Observer,  for  valuable  ex- 
tractS/Which  are  not  credited,  and  to  many  othersources- 
M}r  reasons  for  doing  so  are,  that  I  have  changed  some 
of  them  from  their  original  text  and  they  can't  there- 
fore, in  their  present  shape  be  properly  credited  to  their 
respective  sources,  and  another  is  that  by  doing  so  the 
thread  of  the  discourse  would  be  broken  and  their  use- 
fulness thus  probably  impaired.  I  have  therefore  en- 
deavored to  give  them  in  as  connected  a  link  as  possible. 
little  book,  owing  to  the  shortness  of  time  since 
I  first  conceived  the  idea  of  writing  it,  together  with 
my  own  inability,  is  doubtless  defective  in  many  parti- 
j,  but  owing  to  circumstances  I  consider  it  best  to 
put  it  to  press  immediately,  rather  than  to  keep  it  ofi 
fur  a  longer  time  fen*  the  purpose  or  making  such  of 
us  as  1  might  be  able  to  do.  With  these 
remarks  I  herewith  submit  the  following  pages  to  a 
careful  perusal  of  the  reader. 


A  RAY  OF  LIGHT ; 

OR,  A  TREATIES  ON  THE  SECTIONAL  TROUBLES, 
Iitiicfiousty  and  mordlly  considered. 


CHAPTER  L 

THE  SECTIONAL  TROUBLES. 

*I)ear  Friends: — I,  having  a  universal  desire  for  the 
welfare  of  my  fellow  man,  am  induced  to  write  the  fol- 
lowing, and  will  feel  amply  compensated  for  my  trouble 
in  doing  so,  should  it  tend,  even  to  a  small  degree,  to 
alleviate  their  sufferings  and  better  their  condition — to 
stop  the  torrents  of  blood  that  now  flow,  or  tBat  occa- 
sionally flows,  or  that  that  is  within  their  veins  giving 
life  and  vigor  to  the  system,  destined  soon  to  flow:— this 
parts  soul  and  body,  and  sends  a  soul  to  everlasting 
Lappiness  or  everlasting  woe.  Man  is  a  compound  berng 
taking  on  two  states  ot  existence,  the  one  in  this  world, 
at  longest,  is  but  short,  the  one  in  the  next  has  eternity 
for  its  measure.  He  is  there  to  live  a  miserable  or 
happy  creature  forever  and  ever.  It  should  be  the 
great  business  of  this  life  to  prepare  for  the  next.  The 
time  of  our  probation  here  is  short  enough  to  prepare 
for  this  great  change,  without  inventing  machines  and 
all  manner  of  warlike  instruments  with  which  to  shorten 
the  davs  of  our  fellow  man,  sending  them  into  a  bound- 


279486 


6 

less  eternity  without  one  moment's  warning,  creating 
orphans  and  widows  and  an  amount  of  misery  that  can 
never  be  told. 

Wars  then  are  a  great  evil  and  are  generally  a  dread  j 
fur  scourge  to  any  nation  that  engages  therein.  The 
victor  is  generally  loser.  The  good  and  tb»3  bad  suffer, 
together.  Why  is  it  that  enlightened  man  thus  becomes 
arrayed  with  hostile  intent  against  his  fellow  man  ?  I 
think  it  must  be  owing  to  the  depravity  and  wickedness 
of  human  nature,  T  will  venture  to  say  that  there  never 
was  a  war  but  some  one  was  in  fault.  By  some  party 
or  some  individuals  acting  differently  it  might  have  been 
avoided.  Yes,  I  think  I  can  safely  say  that  by  all  acting 
according  to  the  golden  rule,  "  As  ye  would  that  others 
should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  likewise  unto  them,"  fortius 
is  the  -law  and  the  prophets,  that  there  would  be  no 
wars.  It  is  I  think  by  wrong  men  being  in  power  that 
wars  are  generally  brought  about — men  who  are  not 
willing  to  give  and  take,  but  are  determined  to  have 
every  thing  their  own  way,  let  the  consequences  be  as 
they  may.  I  will  illustrate  this  a  little  by  a  piece  on 
walking  the  streets. 

Have  you  ever  walked  through  the  crowded  streets 
of  a  great  city  ?  We  will  say  for  instance  that  it  is 
Broadway,  New  York.  What  shoals  of  people  pouring 
in  from  opposite  quarters  like  torrents  meeting  in  a 
narrow  valley  !  You  would  imagine  it  impossible  for 
them  all  to  get  through,  yet  all  pass  on  their  way  witlu 
out  stop  or  molestation.  Were  each  man  to  proceed 
exactly  in  the  same  line  in  which  he  set  out,  he  could 
not  move  many  paces  without  encountering  another  full 
in  his  track.  They  would  strike  against  each  other,  fall 
back,  push  forward  again,  and  block  up  the  way  for 
themselves  and  those  after  them,  and  thus  throw  the 
whole  street  int  o  confusion. 


All  this  is  avoided  by  every  rran  yielding  a  little. 
Instead  of  advancing  squai  with  arms  stuck 

out,  every  one  who  knows  l¥ow  to  walk  the  streets  glvdea 
along,  his  arms  close,  flexible,  his  t#ack  gently  winding, 
leavingno^  a  tow  inches  on  this  side,  now  a  few  oni that, 
spas  to  pass  and  be  passed  without  scarcely  touching  ki 
the  smallest  possible  space.  He  pushes  no x>ne  into' the 
kennel  nor  goes  into  it  himself.  By  mutual  accommo- 
dation the  path,  though  narrow,  holds  them  all. 

Like  litis  is  the  march  of  life. 

In  our  progress  through  the  world  a  thousand  things 
stand  continually  in  our  way.  Some  people  meet  us 
full  in  the  face  with  opposite  opinions  and  inclinations. 
Some  stand  before  us  in  our  pursuit  of  pleasure  or  in- 
terest, and  others  follow  close  upon  our  heels.  Now 
we  ought  in  the  first  place  to  consider,  that  the  road  is 
as  free  for  one  as  for  another  ;  and  therefore  we  have  no 
right  to  expect  that  persons  should  go  out  of  their  way 
to  accommodate  us  any  more  than  we  out  of  ours  to 
accommodate  them. 

Then  if  we  do  not  mutually  yield  and  accommodate, 
we  may  expect  to  be  continually  getting  in  difficulties 
that  might  have  been  worn  off  by  this  balm  of  peace — 
mutual  accommodation. 

We  should  remember  what  Solomon  says: 

u  A  soft  answer  turncth  away  wrath.,  but  grievous 
words  stir  up  confusion." 

And  again. 

"By  long  forbearance  is  a  prince  persuaded  and  a 
soft  tongue  breaketh  the  bone." 

We  should  also  not  be  too  ready  to  reply  to  what  we 
may  hear  said  about  us. 

By  an  observance  of  these  rules  and  by  not  beingtoo 
hasty    to    resent   supposed    injuries,   many    difficulties 


8 


might  be  killed  off  at  the  start,  as  it  were,  which  after- 
wards grow  into  something  very  serious.  But  begin  to 
work  with  them,  one  evil  word  calleth  for  another,  and 
the  farther  you  go  the  worse  things  get  to  be,  and  they 
thus  soon  get  to  be  almost  past  healing. 

It  is  like  pulling  at  a  splinter  on  a  cross  grained  piece 
of  timber.  The  more  you  strip  it  up  the  deeper  it  runs 
into  the  timber  until  it  runs  quite  across  the  piece. 
Instead  of  doing  this,  smoothe  it  down,  and  it  will  all 
soon  be  right. 

So  in  life  we  meet  up  with  many  cross  grained  people, 
who  may  do  many  things  not  right,  but,  instead  of  cre- 
ating difficulties  with  them  out  of  trivial  matters,  make 
the  necessary  allawances  for  human  nature  and  pass  on. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  said  to  be  a  man  of  such  per- 
fect control  over  himself  that  he  was  but  rarely  if  ever 
known  to  get  out  of  humor.  If  any  one  were  to  try  to 
offend  him,  he  would  "turn  it  upon  him  in  some  mild 
way  so  as  to  make  him  his  friend  rather  than  his  enemy 
"What  a  pity  it  is  that  such  a  spirit  does  not  more  gen- 
erally pervade  the  bosom  of  man. 

We  should  recollect  that  our  Heavenly  Father  is  slow 
to  anger,  and  of  much  forbearance  towards  us.  Had 
he  dealt  with  us  as  he  might  in  justice  have  done,  long 
ere  this  we  might  have  ridden  the  pale  horse  into  the 
valley  and  shadow  of  death,  and  there  have  been  lifting 
our  fruitless  cries  for  mercy,  where  neither  mercy  nor 
hope  could  ever  have  reached  us.  But  we  are  yet  the 
spared  monuments  of  his  meecy.  Therefore,  it  be- 
eometh  us  to  act  with  much  forbearance  towards  our 
fellow  man. 

A  timely  observance  of  these  inestimable  rules  would? 
I  think,  have  kept  us  out  of  our  present  difficulties. 

Our  once  happy  country  is  now  involved  in  a  terrific 


civil  strife,  such  probably  as  has  not  been  since  the 
creation  of  the  world. 

After  looking  at  some  of  the  causes  of  this  war,  T  witf 
then  give  ray  opinion  as  to  what  I  think  of  the  general 
issue,  and  what  I  think,  under  the  trying  times,  we  had 
best  do. 

This  lousiness  has  been  brooding  in  Congress  for  a 
great  while.  Ambitious  men,  and  men  of  opposite 
opinions  and  inclinations,  have  frequently  got  up  dis- 
sensions there,  as  in  the  caning  a  {lair  of  Brooks  of  South 
Carolina  and  Sumner  of  Massachusetts.  There  was  also, 
some  years  ago,  a  Congressman  from  Californa,  who 
shot  a  waiter  in  "Wil  lard's  hotel.  There  has  also  at 
times  been  serious  opposition  made  to  the  South  in  re- 
covering their  fugitive  slaves,  sometimes  resulting  even 
in  bloodshed. 

There  was  also,  the  affair  of  John  Brown  k  Co.  at 
Harper's  Ferry.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  ar- 
guing the  case  in  favor  of  these  wicked  men  in  making 
an  unprovoked  attack  upon  their  brethren  of  the  South 
and  inciting  their  slaves  to  insurrection.  But  I  do 
think  had  the  South  have  been  more  lenient  upon  that 
occasion  that  it  would  have  had  a  very  great  bearing 
upon  our  present  troubles.  I\ot  but  they  deserved 
death,  they  doubtless  <li  I.  But  as  the  greater  part  of 
their  number  had  been  either  killed  or  wounded,  I  think 
it  was  a  sufficient  warning  to  the  balance,  and  that  they, 
the  surviving  ones,  could  with  all  safety  to  the  common- 
wealth have  been  spared  at  least  their  lives.  I  think, 
had  they  been  pardoned  upon  their  giving  good  and 
ample  bond  for  their  better  behavior  in  future,  that  it 
would  have  had  an  excellent  eft'ecl  in  reconciling  the 
two  sections.  The  good  e  fleet  that  such  a  coursewould 
as  I  believe,  have  had  in  reconciling  the  two  sections,  is 


10 


my  main  reason  for  arguing  that  they  should  not  have 
been  hanged. 

These  Northern  fanatics  had  learned  at  least  two  im- 
portant lessons  by  this  affair,  which  would  probably 
have  been  of  benefit  to  them  and  to  us  for  generations 
to  come.  One  was  their  in  ability  to  accomplish  any  thing 
by  such  an  undertaking,  and  the  other,  and  by  far  the 
most  important  lesson  that  they  learned  was,  that  our 
servants  were  by  no  means  so  much  disaffected  as  they 
had  supposed,  and  would  therefore,  not  join  the  North 
in  a  crusade  against  the  South  to  gain  their  liberties, 
not  even  when  opportunity  offered.  Having  learned 
these  things,  I  don't  suppose  they  would  hardly  ever 
have  tried  the  thing  over  again. 

It  therefore,  think  a  better  plan  than  hanging  these 
men  would  have  been  to  have  liberated  them,  and  even 
have  had  a  good  minister  to  pray  for  them  on  their  de- 
parture, and  tell  them  any  time  they  wished  to  try  the 
like,  to  come  on  again.  As  they  appeared  to  be  a  party 
of  fanatics  or  mad  men,  let  us  of  the  South,  as  a  great 
and  forgiving  people,  have  shown  that  we  could  be 
satisfied  without  desiring  their  blood.  Such  a  course 
as  this,  I  think,  would  have  made  the  people  of  the 
North  ashamed  of  themselves,  and  they  would  not  there- 
for ■•■.  have  tried  the  like  soon  again  if  ever.  Such  a 
qou  ;ea?  this,  I  think,  would  have  united  the  North 
aridSouxh  in  perpetual  hon  Is.  An  »th er  reason  that  I h^tve 
For  arguing  that  ihe:;e  m<  ■'.  >uld  not  have  be 
i  \  that  the  main  pers  n  <"<  rth  con 

■  -     a  .  inging  it    about,  w< 

i   five  sen  im- 

punity, I  think  those  actively  engaged  h  suf- 

fered enough,  or  at  least  enough  to  do,  and  ii  ve  c  >uld 
then  have  managed  it  in  such  a  way  as  to  have   made 


11 

the  balance  (instigators)  ashamed  of  themselves,  I 
think  it  would,  under  the  circumstances,  have  been  the 
best  course  that  we  could  have  pursued. 

So  strongly  was  I  impressed  that  there  was  something 
ominious  in  this  affair,  that  I  wrote  to  Governor  Wise 
desiring  that  they  should  not  be  hung.  I  also  stated  to 
him  that  as  they  appeared  to  be  a  party  of  fanatics  or 
madmen,  and  having  by  this  experiment  learned  that  our 
servants  were  by  no  means ao  much  disaffected  as  they 
had  supposed,  and  that  they  could  not,  therefore,  ac- 
complish anything  by  such  an  undertaking,  that  by 
pardoning  them.  I  thought  it  might  eventually 
as  an  advantage  in  uniti  g  the  two  sections  Lkil  ing 
out  the  strong  sectional  feeling. 

But  it  appeared  to  sffect,  but  in  doing  this,  I 

was  discharging  whal  I  conceived  to  be  my  duty  . 
that  was  all  that  I  could  do. 

In  Congress  some  years  ago,  they  were,  I  believi  , 
about  too  months  electing  a  Speaker  of  the  House. 
These  things  all  taken  together  no  doubt,  ten  led  to  in- 
flame their  respective  sections,  and  thus  make  the  breach 
between  the  two  sections  greater,  and  I  think,  also  goes 
to  prove  conclusively  that  we  had  not  the  right  men  in 
power.  Men  who  wish  to  serve  their  country,  should 
not  go  to  Congress  armed  with  Bowie  knives,  canes  and 
pistols,  ready  to  resort  to  violence  even  upon  trivial 
matters.  They  should,  also,  I  think,  be  men  that  are 
williug  to  give  and  take. 


12 
CHAPTER  11. 

SECESSION  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

The  immediate  case  of  our  difficulties  and  of  the 
Southern  States  seceding,  was  the  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
true,  there  were  other  causes,  but  this  is  the  one  that 
gave  action  to  the  others.  South  Carolina  was  the  first 
to  secede.  Her  Convention  passed  the  ordinance  of 
secession  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  169,  all  the  members 
voting,  on  December  20th,  1860.  Florida,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,LouisanaandTexas  soon  followed, 
making  seven  in  all.  The  balance  of  the  slave  States 
would,  in  all  probability,  have  remained  in  the  Union 
as  they  were  for  some  time  to  come,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  affair  growing  out  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Sumpter, 
and  the  call  of  the  President  soon  after  for  75,000  addi- 
tional troops. 

The  field  here  opens  far  and  wide.  It  will  be  impos- 
sible for  me  to  give  the  subject  anything  like  a  thorough 
investigation,  but  I  will  endeavor  to  glance  at  some  of 
the  leading  items.  In  the  first  place,  I  will  remark  that 
I  do  not  look  upon  secession  as  the  immediate  cause  of 
the  war,  or  at  least  not  so  much  so  as  some  of  the  sub- 
sequent acts,  for  the  following  reasons.  The  States 
evidently  formed  the  Union,  and  I  think,  each  state 
should  have  the  right  to  secede  at  pleasure.  "We  will 
say  that  thirteen  persons  form  a  copartnership  for  the 
purpose  of  transacting  any  business  whatever,  and  sub- 
sequently take  in  others  upon  the  same  footing  to  the 
amount  of  thirty  two  in  all.  After  trading  together  for 
a  number  of  years,  and  growing  pretty  strong,  some 
one,  two  or  a  half  dozen  of  these  persons  wish  to  with- 


13 


draw  and  set  up  business  for  themselves.  No  one  1 
presume  will  deny  their  having  a  perfect  right  to  do  so. 
Even  so  with  the  states.  It  is  the  people  of  the  states 
that  compose  the  states,  and  they  have  the  same  right, 
I  think  to  withdraw  and  set  up  for  themselves,  as 
though  there  were  but  thirteen  individuals.  But  in 
this  case,  it  should,  I  think,  always  be  submitted  to  a 
popular  vote  of  the  people.  But  I  do  not  say  that  it  is 
best  thus  to  secede  and  split  up,  but  rather  the  reverse, 
because  in  union  there  is  strength.  Better  if  possible 
allay  the  difficulties  and  time  will  soon  make  all  right 
again. 

Then,  as  stated  before,  I  look  upon  the  acts  that  were 
committed  after  the  seceding  of  the  states  as  having 
more  to  do  in  bringing  on  the  war  than  I  do  upon 
secession  itself. 

A  subject  fraught  with  so  much  importance  as  seces- 
sion is,  should  always,  I  think,  be  left  to  a  popular  vote 
of  the  people,  for  fear  that  the  minority  might  rule,  and 
a  state  be  declared  out  of  the  union  by  these  Conven- 
tions, when  a  majority  of  the  farmers  and  mechanics — 
the  bone  and  and  the  sinew  of  the  country,  and  the 
men  who  have  the  most  of  the  fighting  to  do,  if  there  is 
any  done,  arc  for  peace  and  union.  I  therefore,  think 
they  should  have  a  say-so  in  the  matter.  The  people 
that  are  good  enough  to  tight,  I  think  should  also  be 
good  enough  to  vote  upon  a  subject  of  so  very  great 
importance.  Let  the  question  be  put  fairly  to  the  peo- 
ple at  the  polls,  and  let  them  vote  fairly  upon  it,  for  or 
against  secession.  If  there  be  a  majority  against  seces- 
sion, let  them  remain  in  the  Union,  but  if  a  majority  in 
favor  of  secession,  I  think  they  should  be  allowed  to 
depart  in  peace.  Let  the  majority  rule,  and  be  certain 
you  have  the  majority. 


14 


I  will  illustrate  this  idea  by  reference  to  the  last  Pre- 
sidential electiou. 

Lincoln  was  constitutionally  elected,  receiving  180 
electorial  votes,  whilst  the  other  three  candidates  received 
jointly  but  123,  but  at  the  same  time  these  three  candi- 
dates received  more  votes  than  Lincoln  did  by  1,001,- 
248.  So  had  the  election  have  depended  on  the  popu- 
lar vote,  the  election  would  have  been  thrown  in  the 
House,  and  in  all  probability  Mr.  Lincoln  would  have 
been  defeated. 

Even  so,  probably  with  some  of  the  States  that  have 
been  passed  out  of  the  Union  unanimously  by  Conven- 
tions, the  result  might  have  been  different,  had  the 
people  have  voted  directly  on  if,  for  or  against  secession 
at  the  ballot  box.  But  even  if  the  result  had  been  the 
same,  the  people  are  the  sovereign  power  and  should, 
therefore,  have  spoken  directly  upon  it.  A  State  being 
carried  out  of  the  Union,  even  unanimously  by  a  Con- 
vention, is  not  always  conclusive  evidence  that  even  a 
majority  of  her  constitutional  voters  are  in  favor  of  it. 

If  a  man  is  to  be  tried  for  his  life  for  murder,  we  will 
say  it  is  necessary  before  convicting  him,  that  his  guilt 
be  established  beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt,  lest  an  inno- 
cent man  should  suffer.  Even  so  in  this  case.  Before 
a  State  secedes,  I  think  it  should  be  established  beyond 
a  shadow  of  doubt,  that  a  majority  of  her  constitutional 
voters  are  in  favor  of  taking  such  a  step,  and  this  can 
only  be  known  by  deciding  it  at  the  ballot  box. 

"When  South  Carolina  seceded  it  is  said  that  only 
10,000  votes  were  cast  for  the  members  of  the  Conven- 
tion that  passed  her  out  of  the  Union — 10,000  out  of 
over  60,000.     See  1.  (Appendix.) 

Although  South  Carolina  was  passed  out  of  the  Union 
unanimously  by  her  Convention,  there  is  no  certainty 


15 


that  there  was  even  a  majority  of  her  constitutional 
voters  in  favor  of  secession.  The  fact  is,  it.  seems  as  it 
might  have  been  otherwise. 

In  1850  we  had  a  great  crisis  among  us,  resulting,  I 
believe,  mainly  from  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise. There  were  then  many  persons  among  us 
disirous  of  disrupting  every  tie  and  going  immediately 
out  of  the  Union.  South  Carolina  always  foremost  in 
such  things,  made  the  attempt  to  go  out,  bother  people 
voted  upon  it  and  put  it  down.  And  who  can  tell  but 
the. same  would  have  been  the  result  of  1860,  had  her 
people  have  had  an  opportunity  of  voting  directly  upon 
it.  But  her  politicians,  and  no  doubt  widely  too  for 
their  schemes,  kept  this  thing  away  from  them,  and  it 
is  therefore  left  in  doubt  to  this  day,  whether  or  not  the 
majority  ruled.  Soon  after  the  John  Brown  raid,  South 
Carolina  sent  Commissioners  to  Virginia  in  order  to 
bring  on  general  secession, 

The  people  of  our  own  State  have  always  been  ram- 
pant about  the  rights  of  the  people,  such  as  free  suffrage, 
ad  valornm,  &c,  and  great  hobbies  have  been  made  of 
these  things.  But  upon  a  subject  I  trow  of  the  most 
importance  that  has  been  before  the  American  people 
sinee  the  days  of  the  revolution  or  the  war  of  1812,  they 
were  not  permitted  to  speake  directly  upon  it.  These 
things,  I  think  they  ought  to  have  done  anduotto  have 
left  the  others  undone. 

When  our  Legislature  resolved  to  call  a  Convention 

■     passed  an  act  that  each  and  every  Ordinance  passed 

is  Convention   should   be  submitted  to  the  people 

al  (ioation  or  rejection  before  it  should  become    a 

. .     See  -1. 

That  would,  in  my  opinion,  have  been  doing  things 
up  in  the  right  way.     If  after  the  Convention  had  passed 


1C, 


the  Ordinance  of  secession  it  had  then  been  submitted 
to  the  people  to  ratify  or  reject  at  the  polls,  and  they 
had  ratified  it,  I  don't  think  any  nation  upon  earth 
should  have  had  any  right  to  have  interfered  therewith. 
But  the  Convention  at  length  passed  the  Ordinance  of 
secession  (20th  May,)  and  it  was  not  submitted  to  the 
people  for  ratification  or  rejection  according  to  the  act 
prescribed  for  the  Convention,  that  was  voted  for  on 
the  28th  of  Febuary,  1861.  Why  was  this  not  done  ? 
"Who  is  responsible  ? 

But  I  will  here  remark  that  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vention voted  for  on  the  28th  of  Febuary,  did  not  as- 
semble from  the  fact  that  a  majority  of  the  people  voted 
"no  Convention."  But  why  did  not  this  same  act  ap- 
ply to  the  Convention  that  was  subsequently  convened 
and  passed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  ?  I  can't  see  why 
it  should  not  have  applied  in  the  last  case  as  well  as  the 
first. 

I  will  here  remark  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was,  I  believe,  submitted  to  the  people  for  rati- 
fication or  rejection  at  the  polls.  So  why  was  not  the 
Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States  submitted  in  the 
same  way?  This  thing  was  discussed  in  the  Confeder- 
ate Congress,  but  a  gentleman  from  Alabama  opposed  it, 
and  the  thing  fell  through.  I  look  upon  this  though  as 
of  much  less  importance  than  I  do  upon  the  Ordinance 
of  Secession.  I  think  by  all  meaus,  the  people  of  the 
seceding  States  should  have  voted  directly  on  that. 


17 

CHAPTER  III. 

TAKING  OF  FORT  SUMPTER. 

The  Secession  of  South.  Carolina  as  lias  been  before 
stated,  took  place  on  the  '20th  December,  1860. 

Six  other  States  mentioned  soon  followed.  They 
soon  leagued  together  and  erected  a  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  elected  Jefter- 
scn  Davis  ©^Mississippi,  President  and  A.  II.  Stephens, 
of  Georgia,  Vice  President.  Soon  after  this,  the  au- 
thorities of  the  Southern  Confederacy  sent  Commis- 
sioners to  Washington  to  treat  respecting  the  forts, 
public  property,  &c.  The  authorities  at  "Washington 
refused  to  receive  them  in  their  official  capacity,  but 
expressed  difference  for  them  as  gentlemen,  See  3.  So 
their  mission  availed  them  nothing,  and  they  returned 
from  whence  they  came,  after  first  having  expressed 
the  conviction  that  they  deemed  war  inevitable.  Lithe 
mean  time,  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina  demanded 
Fort  Sumpter  of  the  Federal  Government,  Major  An- 
derson Commanding.  It  seems  that  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment would  have  given  up  this  Fort  without  any 
difficulty,  had  not  the  Southern  authorities  demanded 
a  regular  surrender  of  the  fort.     See  4,  5,  6,  7. 

Col.  Lamon,  an  agent  of  the  Federal  Government 
was  then,  I  believe,  sent  to  Charleston,  lie  informed 
Governor  Pickens,  that  he  was  authorized  to  make 
arrangements  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  Federal  troops 
from  sumpter,  and  proposed  a  vessel  of  war  as  the  best 
means  of  effecting  this.  This  was  refused.  See  Cause 
and  Contrast,  page  171,  and  appendix  8. 

The  authorities  at  Washington  then  sent  a  Mr.  Fox, 
who  declared  that  his  mission  was  entirely  pacific  and 


18 

wished  to  be  permitted  to  visit  Fort  Sumpter.  Through 
the  intervention  of  Captain  Hartstene,  his  wish  was 
complied  with.  But  intercepted  dispatches  disclosed 
the  fact  that  whilst  at  Fort  Sumpter  lie  concocted  a  plan 
for  supplying  the  Fort  by  force.  From  what  I  can  find 
out  it  was  a  plan  simply  for  supplying  the  Fort  with 
provisions,  and  I  think,  was  not  for  the  forcible  rein- 
forcement of  the  Fort,  as  is  said  in  Cause  and  Contrast, 
page  172.  And  farther,  this  plan  was  not,  I  don't 
think  concocted  with  the  Federal  Government  previous 
to  Mr.  Fox's  leaving  Washington,  as  is  held  out  by  the 
same  author  and  upon  the  same  page,  but  it  seems  to 
have  been  a  plan  concocted  at  Fort  Sumpter,  between 
Mr.  Fox  and  the  authorities  of  the  Fort,  and  which  plan 
was  subsequently  adopted  by  the  Government  at  Wash- 
ington. See  Western  Sentinel  of  April  26th.  My 
reason  for  thus  speaking,  is,  that  I  desire  to  speak 
nothing  but  what  is  true,  if  I  know  it,  and  if  I  see  any 
thing  wrongly  stated,  I  wish  to  correct  it,  let  it  be  on 
which  side  it  may.  It  is  the  only  fair  way  to  come  at 
things. 

The  authorities  at  Washington,  I  believe,  next 
sent  Lieut.  Talbot  and  a  Mr.  R.  S.  Chew,  to  inform  the 
authorities  at  Charleston  that  Fort  Sumpter  would  be 
provisioned  (the  supplies  were  cut  off  the  7th  of  April) 
peaceable  if  practicable — forcibly  if  necessary.  It  seems 
there  was  no  intention  to  reinforce  the  fort  but  simply 
to  supply  it  with  provisions.  /  / 

The  following  from  the  Brother  Jonathan  of  20th 
April,  1861,  may  also  throw  some  light  on  the  sub- 
ject: "Perhaps  too,  the  publication  of  the  gov- 
ernment plan  by  which  means  the  Charlestonians 
were  fully  put  on  their  guard,  had  something  to 
do  with  the  delay.  The  army  and  navy  officers  entrus- 
ted with  the  fitting  out  of  the  expedition  from  New 


19 

York,  on  Saturday,  Sunday  and  Monday  last  kept  their 
secret  well.  No  man  could  find  out  a  word  from  them. 
But  Wednesday  morning— long  before  the  expedition 
reached,  or  could  reach  Charleston— the  New  York 
Tribune  revealed  the  whole  plan.  It  gave  the  name  of 
the  commander,  Lieut.  Col.  Harvey  Brown,  of  the  2nd 
artillery,  and  on  Thursday  it  reported  and  enlarged 
upon  the  plans,  &c. 

On  Thursday,  therefore,  Gen.  Beuregard,  the  com- 
mander in  chiei  of  the  forces  of  the  "Southern  Con- 
federacy," demanded  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter, 
Major  Anderson  replied  that  1)2  should  surrender,  if 
not  reinforced,  when  his  supplies  were  exhausted.  His 
exact  language  was:  "I  regret  that  my  sense  of  honor 
and  my  obligations  to  my  government  prevent  my  com- 
pliance," and  added,  "Probably  I  will  await  the  first 
shot,  and  if  you  do  not  batter  us  to  peices  we  shall  be 
starved  out  in  a  few  days." 

From  the  above  it  would  seem  that  General  Beaure- 
gard was  hurried  to  make  his  demand  from  the  fact 
that  a  fleet  was  on  its  way  from  New  York  to  supply 
the  fort. 

The  authorities  concerned  failing  to  agree  as  to  the 
terms  of  surrender,  fee,  Gen.  Beauregard  opened  fire 
on  the  fort  on  Friday  morning,  the  12th  of  April, 
at  half  past  4  o'clock. 

The  firing  continued  all  that  day  and  until  about  12 
o'clock  at  night.  It  was  resumed  at  an  early  hour  next 
morning,  and  continued  until  2  o'clock,  P.  M.,  when 
the  fort  surrendered,  with  no  loss  on  either  side  except 
the  wounding  of  a  few  by  the  explosion  of  one  of  Maj. 
Anderson's  guns  wh  1st  saluting  bis  Hag. 

Here  T  conceive,  is  the  turning  point  as  to  the  jus- 
tification of  this  war.     If  the  national  honor  and  exi- 


20 

I 
gencies  of  the  case  rendered  it  necessary  to  fire  upon 

and  capture  the  fort,  and  induct  civil  war  at  that  time, 

then  was  the  act  justifiable;  otherwise,  it  is  rendered 

more  doubtful.     It  appears  though  that  certain  of  our 

public  men  at  that  time  would  not  do  anything  towards 

bringing  about  a  reconciliation   so  as  to  restore  all  to 

the  Union  again,  from  the  fact  that  they  did  not  want 

union    with   the    Northern    States,   let    them    make 

whatever  concessions  they  would.     In  fact  there  were 

some  who  appeared  to  be  lor  making  the  breach  greater 

in  order  to  draw  those  States  yet  content  to  remain  in 

the  Union  into  the  affray,  and  thus  unite  all  the  slave 

States  into  a  Southern  Confederacy.     See  11, 12, 13, 14, 

15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23,  24, 

Another  thing  that  no  doubt  tended  to  inflame  the 
North  and  cause  them  to  take  up  arms  sooner  against 
the  South,  was  the  threats  at  the  South  of  attacking 
Washington  City,  and  probably  other  cities  at  the  North 
at  an  early  day.     See  25,  26,  27,  28,  29. 

It  seems  that  we  might  soon  have  liad  p^ace,  and  have 
had  an  honorable  one  too,  with  the  exception  probably 
of  the  Territories,  for  there  was  a  great  reaction  taking 
place  at  the  North  in  favor  of  the  South.  See  30,  31, 
32.  And  further,  Rhode  Island,  Maine  and  Wisconsin 
had  repealed  their  Personal  Liberty  Bills,  and  Massa- 
chusetts had  modified  hers. 

But  the  main  difficulty  in  the  way  was,  that  many  of 
our  leading  rnen  did  not  want  union,  and  therefore 
refused  to  work  for  it,  the  breach  in  the  meantime 
becoming  greater.  But  if  the  counsels  of  the  conser- 
vative men  had  prevailed,  we  should  now  have  had 
peace  instead  of  war.  But  the  extreme  politicians  of 
the  North  and  the  South  have  precipitated  the  country 
into  dissolution  and  bloodshed.     Thev  have  created  a 


21 

future  through  which  no  eye  can  penetrate— a  future  of 
blackness,  of  darkness  teeming  with  armies.  In  all 
probahilitv'thesc  troubles  will  eventually  result  in  the 
downfall  of  many  of  these  unprincipled  politicians 
North  and  South. 

So  after  suming  up  the  whole,  if  the  Southern 
authorities  acted  at  the  taking  of  Fort  Sumpter  as  has 
.been  represented,  it  seems  that  they  did  not  act  for  the 
best  ro  avoid  a  difficulty.  If  they  could  have  got  pos- 
session of  the  fort  after  it  was  evacuated,  it  seems  they 
ought  to  have  been  satisfied  without  desiring  that  they 
should  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war,  when  as  yet  there 
had  been  no  war. 

And  if  Col.  Lamon  proposed  a  vessel  of  war  to  bear 
them  oif  in,  I  think  they  should  have  accepted  it, 
though  it  had  not  been  fully  in  accordance  with  their 
wishes.  I  think  they  had  better  have  yielded  a  little 
than  to  have  stuck  out  and  brought  on  such  direful 
consequences.  Maj.  Anderson  and  his  soldiers,  in  all 
probability,  went  to  the  forts  of  Charleston  in  a  war 
vessel,  and  if  the  authorities  at  Washington  desired 
that  they  should  depart  in  one,  I  can't  see  why  they 
could  not,  consistently  with  the  honor  of  the  State  and 
Confederate  States,  have  been  permitted  to  have  done 
ao.  I  fear  that  V\  15  and  IT  were  in  too  many  hearts  of 
the  Southern  people  to  admit  of  an  easy  adjustment. 
It  seems  they  were  in  for  secession,  and  nothing  else, 
which  in  my  opinion  would  have  been  all  right  if  all 
that  wanted  to  secede  had  done  so  by  the  voice  of  their 
people,  and  had  set  up  their  own  government  and  said 
no  more  about  it.  But  it  seems  that  there  were  some 
lis  who  were  for  getting  as  many  as  they  could  in 
tliis  secession  move  by  peaceable  means,  and  then  in 
order  that   they  might   draw  the  balance  of  the  slave 


22 


States,  yet  content  to  remain  in  the  Union,  into  the 
affray,  they  must  kick  up  a  dust  and  have  a  fight  at 
Fort  Sumpter,  right  or  wrong,  when  it  appears  that  it 
might  have  been  honorably  avoided,  at  least  for  a  time. 

I  think  it  would  have  been  better  if  the  Southern 
authorities  had  not  been  so  hasty  in  cutting  off  the  sup- 
plies from  Fort  Sumpter.  They  might,  I  think,  without 
any  danger  to  their  cause,  have  permitted  M'aj.  Ander- 
son at  least  to  have  got  supplies  from  Charleston.  This 
would  have  given  more  time  for  the  settlement  of  the 
difficulties. 

But  they  knew  that  the  remaining  slave  States  had 
generally  passed  resolutions  against  coercion.  They 
probably  desired  the  co-operation  of  these  States,  think- 
ing that  it  would  present  a  more  formidable  front,  and 
thus  tend  to  back  out  the  Nortli  and  avoid  bloodshed. 
About  this  time  there  were  a  good  many  persons  of 
other  States  dabbling  in  the  affairs  at  Charleston,  which 
did  not  concern  them.  These  instances  have  already 
been  given.  It  is  also  stated  that  Maj.  Anderson  had 
agreed  to  give  up  the  fort  Monday  at  12  o'clock  if  he 
was  not  provisioned  in  the  time. 

In  conversation  with  a  soldier  that  assisted  at  the 
taking  of  Fort  Sumter,  he  said  that  Maj.  Anderson  had 
agreed  to  give  up  the  fort  Monday,  the  15th,  if  the 
United  States  flag  was  not  fired  on  in  the  time  ;  and  he 
said  the  reason  they  did  not  wait  until  then  and  get  the 
fort  in  that  way  was,  that  they  were  afraid  the  Federal 
fleet  would  run  in  and  reinforce  them  before  that  time. 

There  appears  to  be  conflicting  statements,  and  in 
these  times  it  is  hard  to  get  at  absolute  certainty,  but 
I  give  the  facts  as  nigh  as  I  can  and  leave  the  reader 
to  judge  for  himself.  The  following  will  probably 
throw  some  light  upon  the  subject, 


23 

The  following  correspondence  was  telegraphed  from 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  to  Ex  President  Tyler  by  his  son, 
who  was  at  that  place  : 

Charleston,  April  8th,  1861. 
To  L.  P.  Walker,  Dear  Sir.— An  authorized  messen- 
ger, from  Lincoln  has  just  informed  Gov.  Pickens  and 
myself  that  provisions  will  be    sent  to  Fort  Sumter, 
peaceably  if  they  can,  forcibly  if  they  must." 

G.  T.  BEAUREGARD. 

Montgomery,  April  10th,  1861. 
"To  General  Beauregard,  Charleston:—!?  you  have 
no  doubt  of  the  authorized  character  of  the  agent  who 
communicated  to  you  the  intention  of  the  Washington 
Government  to  supply  Fort  Sumter  by  force,  you  will 
at  once  demand  its  evacuation  ;  and  if  this  be  refused, 
proceed  in  such  a  manner  as  you  may  determine  to 

reduce  it.  Answer. 

L.  P.  WALKER. 

Charleston,  April  10,  1861. 
To  L.  P.    Walker:— The    demand  will  be  made  to- 
morrow  at  12  o'clock. 

G.  T.  BEAUREGARD. 

Montgomery,  April  10,  1861. 
rlo   General   Beauregard,   Charleston: — Unless  there 
are  special  reasons  connected  with  your  own  condition, 
it  is  considersd  proper  that  you  make  the  demand  at 
an  earlier  hour.  L.  P.  WALKER. 

Charleston,  April  10. 

To  L.  P.   Walker  :-~The  reasons  are  special  for  12 
o'clock.  G,  T.  BEAUREGARD. 


24 

Charleston,  April  lltb,  1861. 
To  L.  P.  Walker:— -Demand  sent  at  2  o'clock.     Al- 
lowed until  6  o'clock  to  answer. 

Charleston,  April  11th,  1861. 
To  L.  P.  Walker: — Maj.  Anderson  replied,  "I  have 
the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  commu- 
nication demanding  the  evacuation  of  this  Fort,  and  to 
say  in  reply  thereto,  that  it  is  a  demand  with  which  I 
regret  that  my  sense  of  honor  and  of  my  obligations  to 
my  Government  prevents  my  compliance."  He  adds 
verbally:  "  I  will  await  the  first  shot,  and  if  you  do  not 
batter  us  to  pieces,  we  will  be  starved  out  in  a  few 
days."  Answer. 

G.  T.  BEAUREGARD. 

Montgomery,  April  11th,  1861, 
7o  Gen.  Beauregard,  Charleston  ; — AVe  do  not  desire 
needlessly  to  bombard  FortSumpter.  If  Maj.  Ander- 
son will  state  the  time  at  which,  as  indicated  by  him, 
he  will  evacuate,  and  agree  that,  in  the  meantime,  he 
will  not  use  his  guns  against  us,  unless  ours  should  be 
employed  against  Fort  Sumpter,  you  are  authorized 
thus  to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood.  If  this  or  its  equi- 
valent, be  refused,  reduce  the  Fort,  as  your  judgment 
decides  to  be  the  most  practicable. 

L.  P.  WALKER. 

Charleston,  April  12th,  1861. 
To  L.  P.  'Walker; — He   would   not  consent,  I  will 
write  to  clay. 

G.  T.  BEAUREGARD. 


25 


Charleston,  April  12,  1801. 

To  L.  J\   Walker:— Wc  opened  fire  at  4  30  A.  M. 

G.  T.  BEAUREGARD. 

CHAP  T  E  R  I V . 
FURTHER  PARTICULARS. 

Althoug  the  remaining  slave  states  had  generally 
passed  resolutions  against  coereion,  the  autliorities  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy  did  not  wait  to  be  coerced, 
but  fired  the  first  guns  themselves. 

On  the  3rd  of  January,  18G1,  a  vessel  loaded  with  ice 
from  Boston  and  bound  to  Savannah,  and  which,  owing 
to  stress  of  weather,  had  put  into  Charleston  harbor,  was 
fired  upon.     This  I  believe  was  the  first  shot  fired. 

I  will  here  remark  that  this  vessel  was  first  hailed,  or 
ordered  to  haul  to,  and  upon  her  refusing  to  do  so,  she 
was  fired  upon. 

January  10lh,  Star  oi^  the  AVest,  fired  into.  "Would 
it  not  have  been  well  for  the  authorities  at  Charleston 
to  have  been  a  little  more  forbearing.  If,  as  has  been 
said,  they  could  have  got  possession  of  the  fort  by  wait- 
ing until  Monday,  would  it  not  have  been  well  to  have 
waited  until  that  time,  or  until  they  had  attempted  to 
bring  in  a  fleet  to  provision  and  reiuforce  the  fort. 
For  they  had  Morris  Island,  which  lay  in  the  only 
channel  leading  to  the  forts,  and  to  Charleston,  strongly 
fortificd,  so  as  to  resist  probably,  any  fleet  that  might 
be  brought  against  them.  They  thus  had  things  so 
arranged,  that  they  could  in  all  probability,  have  per- 
ished out  the  garrison,  let  the  time  have  been  long  or 
short  Would  it  not  then  have  hceu  better  to  have  got 
possession  of  the  fort  in  this  way,  <>i    ut   Least  to  have 


waited  until  Monday  to  have  seen  whether  or  not  it 
would  then  have  been  given  up  upon  conditions  already 
mentioned.  Or  if  the  Southern  authorities  had  made 
out  that  they  did  not  care  for  their  holding  Fort  Sumter, 

so  they  did  not  reinforce  it,  and  have  permitted  them 
to  supply  its  garrison,  or  even  permitted  them  to  have 
got  what  they  desired  from  Charleston,  the  probability 
is  that  they  would  soou  have  got  tired  of  the  fort  and 
abandon ed  it, 

But  by  manifesting:  too  great  a  desire  to  get  posses- 
sion  of  the  fort,  its  occupants,  and  particularly  as  they 
wercalittlc  hostile,  might  have  thought  that  it  would  be 
doing  the  Charlestonians  too  great  a  favor  to  yield  so 
easily,  and  that  they  must  therefore  put  them  to  some 
little  trouble  to  get  in  possession  thereof ;  such  is  human 
nature.  Therefore  I  think  a  better  plan  than  bringing 
on  the  crisis  immediately  would  have  been  to  have  per- 
mitted them  to  have  held  the  fort  a  month  or  two,  in 
the  mean  time  having  it  understood  that  the  fort  should 
not  be  reinforced.  Good  time  would  thus  have  been 
given  for  settlifigtoe  difficulties  and  aii  might  have  even- 
tually 'wound  up  peacably.  And  should  i  iiey  have  even- 
tually seemed  like  holdingon  to  the  fort  too  long,  it  might 
have  been  captured  a  month  or  two  hence  as  well,  pro. 
bably,  as  when  it  was  done. 

But  there  were  certain  people  at  the  South,  who  have 
already  been  hit  upon,  that  seemed  to  think  that  by 
having  a  little  collision  at  Foil  Sumter,  the  Boirfherti 
States  would  all  foe  united.,  a  Southern  Confederacy  be 
established  and  things  wind  up  peaceably.  Pa&t  experi- 
ence should  have  taught  them  b  this.  The 
ball  once  p  'oiling- where  it  will 
stop.  It  i  liki  •  iron  at  the  i 
ru'3t  hamiuci  dovvn  oue  end  of  the  blocm   with   a   tilt 


hammer,  they  then  pi  .ill,  it 

hold,  draws   it    through,   ai.d  thus  i  bar 

of'non.  with  oui  :  The  tighl  com- 

menced at  Fort  r  drawn  the  whole  nation 

into  I  y,  and  when  or  I  yet  to 

bo  told. 

I  will  illustrate  this  a  littte  farther  by  giving  a  story 
that  I  have  frequently  heard  ail  old  gentleman  re  li 

He   said   upon    a    c< .  rtain    night   h<  I    himself 

miles  from    home.     Where  lie  1 
or  what  hii  business- was  I  do  not  now  recollect.     A.s 
he  was  going  along   homew  ,i    sud- 

denly appear  in  the  road  before  him,  which  wont  on 
in    the   same   direction   he  was   .  tie   could  see 

something   like   pitch    dropp  »m  it,    drops   that, 

would  burn  as  they  fell  towards  the  ground.  lie  thus 
kept  on  lor  some  time,  the  light  keeping  before  him,  all 
the  time,  but  what  bothered  him  was,  that  he  could  see 
no  person  with  the  light.     \i  app  ing  on 

of  itself.  it  went  out  beside  the  road  and  stoped. 

behind  a  large  pine.  Up  to  this  time,  our  friend  says 
he  had  not  experi  >\  fear,  but  as  he  began  to  ap- 

proach the  pine,  he  began   to  get  a  little  kind 
and  just  as  he  the  pine,  he  thought  about 

the  thing  jumping  out  aiid  catching  him,  and  the  first 
thing  he  knew,  he  found  himself  running.  A  start  he- 
said  was  all  he  wanted.  The  farther  he  ran,  Uic  worse- 
It  w:  ire  raid,  about  three  miles 
home,  and  he  ran  ev<  and  jumped  two  or  three 
fences      the  ilmost 

and  out  of  breath,  and  bolting  a 
the  d  took  it  o  >r  and 

all  came  doWn  in  the  middle  of  the  Boor.     This  h 

ed  his  old  Lady  I  talked  it  over 


and  after  a  while  they  both,  I  believe,  recovered  from 
their  fright. 

I  have  frequently  heard  this  old  gentleman  relate  this 
story,  and  from  a  long  acquaintance  with  him,  I  can  say 
that  I  have  no  reason  to  dispute  his  word.  It  may  have 
been  shown  him,  probably  as  a  warning  in  some  way. 

Pie  said  after  he  got  started,  the  farther  he  ran  the 
"worse  he  got  scared,  and  the  less  probability,  it  seems, 
there  was  of  his  taking  up.  He  thus  ran  his  race  quite 
through,  and  as  a  last  act,  demolished  his  door  and 
scared  his  old  lady  as  aforesaid. 

So  with  our  difficulties.  It  was  much  easier  to  have 
avoided  them  before  taking  a  start,  than  it  is  now  to 
stop  them,  after  they  have  commenced.  Each  day 
creates  grealer  difficulties,  and  renders  it  more  difficult 
to  reconcile  the  two  sections. 

Wars  may  be  compared  to  law-suits,  and  Dr.  John- 
son compares  people  at  law  to  two  persons  dipping  their 
heads  under  water,  and  daring  each  other  to  hold  under 
the  longest.  Wars  and  law-suits  are  generally  not  ter- 
minated until  one  or  the  other  of  the  parties  become 
exhausted  of  means,  and  therefore  can't  carry  them  any 
farther. 

In  the  case  of  our  friend,we  said  that  his  getting  fright- 
ened and  running,  ultimately  frightened  his  old  lady;  so 
he  was  not  the  only  sufferer  in  consequence  of  his  getting 
frightened.  So  with  this  war  that  is  now  upon  us.  The 
fight  commenced  at  Fort  Sumter  has  drawn  all,  both 
great  and  small,  throughout  the  entire  length  and 
breadth  of  our  land,  into  these  troubles.  Even  the 
female  sex  has  been  drawn  into  the  affray,  and  ma- 
ny a  bitter  tear  has  been  shed  by  them,  though  the}- 
had  nothing  to  do  in  bringing  on  the  war.     The  good 


29 

and  the  bad  suffer  together.  Our  leadiug  uieu  should 
by  all  means,  as  much  as  possible,  avoid  a  beginning  of 
such  difficulties. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  Revolutionary  war 
was,  I  believe,  the  tax  of  three  pence  a  pound  on 
tea,  and  the  blockade  of  the  port  of  Boston.  The 
East  Iudia  Company  had  sent  large  amounts  of  tea 
to  various  American  ports;  that  which  was  sent  to 
Boston  the  Bostonians  were  determined  to  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  ;  and  not  only  that,  but  a  party  dis- 
guised as  Indians  went  on  board  their  ships  and  staved 
and  emptied  their  cargoes  into  the  sea.  The  mother 
country  determined  to  punish  the  Bostonians  for  their 
disobedience,  as  a  father  would  a  disobedient  son,  and 
without  any  thought,  I  presume,  of  bringing  on  a  war, 
had  the  port  of  Boston  blockaded.  In  the  meantime: 
a  little  fight  had  occurred  between  some  of  the  soldiers 
and  Bostonians,  in  which  there  was  three  of  the  latter 
killed.  The  fight  thus  commenced  soon  ripened  into 
the  Revolutionary  war,  which  lasted  eight  years. 

The  war  of  1812  was  mainly  brought  about,  I  believe^' 
by  the  impressment  of  four  seamen  from  off  the  Ches- 
apeake, Commodore  Baron  commanding,  by  Capta'n. 
Humphries,  of  the  Leopard.  Thus  we  see  that  great 
etrects  frequently  spring  from  little  causes. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PRESIDENT    LINCOLN   ISSUES  HIS   PROCLA- 
MATION CALLING  FOR  75,000  TROOPS. 

April  l-~>,  1801,  President  Lincoln  issued  his  proclam- 
ation calling  for  7o.000  troops.  Requisitions  were  made 


upon  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Missouri, 
Kentucky,  Arkansas  aud  Mary-aria,  to  furnish  their 
quota  of  these  troops.  The  States  mentioned  refused 
to  obey  the  call,  and  what  I  think  was  a  great  deal 
worse,  the}'  went  immediately  out  of  the  Union  in  con- 
sequence. I  believe  in  doing  thus,  these  States,  at  the 
least,  acted  hastily.  Any  one  reading  the  history  of 
our  country  at  that  time  will,  doubtless,  admit  that  there 
was  a  need  of  more  soldiers  to  carry  out  government 
purposes.  For  "Washington  City  had  been  menaced, 
and  probably  other  cities  North,  as  has  been  already 
shown.  lie  had  to  have  more  troops  or  give  up  the 
government,  that  was  certain,  for  with  the  troops  he 
already  had,  he  could  not  have  assigned  more  than 
1:000  to  the  most  important  stations,  and  what  would 
they  have  been  to  the  strong  armies  then  being  raised 
in  the  South. 

We  will  say  that  if  the  President  nail  no*i.  called  on 
these  States  mentioned  to  have  furnished  their  quota  of 
men  they  would  have  been  angry,  and  I  think  more 
justly  too,  for  he  would  then  evidently  have  been  look- 
ing on  them  with  distrust,  as  much  as  to  say,  you  are 
not  the  men  that  I  want  to  cany  out  my  government. 
I  want  men  of  my  own  party  who  elected  me  to  office* 
for  upon  them  I  can  depend. 

And  after  he  called  on  these  States  to  furnish  their 
quota  they  were  still  angry,  and  so  what  was  lie  to  do? 
Sit  still  and  let  the  usurpers  of,. power  at  the  South 
overrun  the  Capital  and  tear  down  the  government.  I 
call  them  usurpers,  because  they  had  n<  derived  their 
power  directly  from  a  majority  of  the  constitution:!! 
voters  of  the  South  as  has  already  been  shown.  If  the 
question  of  secession  had  been  submitted  to  a  popular 
vote  of  the  people  for  decision,  and  they  had  said  do 


31 

thus  and  so,  then,  in  my  opinion,  it  would  all  have  been 
right.  But  the  way  it  was,  the  politicians,  I  think, 
were  the  men  that  had  the  most  of  the  Bay  so  in  the 
matter. 

Much  fault  has  been  found  of  the  President  be-ause 
lie  called  for  these  troops  without  waiting  for  the  au- 
thority of  Congress,  or  without  first  convening  Goi- 
grcj  s,  the  right  they  say  to  raise  armies  and  declare  war 
belonging  solely  to  that  body.  I  will  here  remark  that 
atthe  time  of  issuhuxhisproelamation  ©adliagfor  76,000 
hat  he  alep  ordered  the  convening  of  both 
ugress,  to  take  pla<ce  on  the  -!th  of  Juty 
U>11  owing.     This,  owii  eireomsl  a-.  I  pre- 

sume, ■•..:   lir'iase,  before 

M  !.e  convened,  there  fiist  bad  to  ba 
lions   held   in    seven  States,  and  in  all  fifty  representa- 
tives chosen,  ai'ier  leaving  out   tin        ceded  States.     Of 
f,  thirteen  would  have  been  chosen  in  Virginia  on 
.■;y.  ihe  r  day  of  her  State  election. 

So  it  .-emus  that  he  could  not   have  convened  Om 

d  the  necessary  rixiops  in  a  much  shorter  time 

thai)  three  u.-  four  month-',  had  he  waited  first  to  have 

convened   Congres  ,  and  in   that  time  it  might  have, 

late. 

You  will  please  permit  me  to  state  here,  that  if  I  am 

wongiy  informed,,  the  Constitution  of  the  United 

Stat*  s,  permits  the  Presi  lent  to  call  out  the  Militia  in 

of  an  invasion  or  insurrection    against   a   State   or 

the<  iriea a]<  iovernment.  A  ud  in  ismucfa  as  secession  was 

no!  provided  for  in    the  Constitution,  I  can't  see  how  it 

In  acted    uncons  itutionally    in  issuing  his 

titxii  calling  for  .the  75,000  troops.     If  such  a 

was  then   being  taken    in   the  South    be    not 

termed  an  insurrection  against  the  general  government 

at  know  what  you  would  call  one. 


These  last  States,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  &c,  sece- 
ded from  the  fact  that  they  thought  the  President  wan- 
ted these   troops,  with    which   to   coerce  the    seceded 
States.     I  will  here  remark  that  if  at  the  time  those  first 
seven  States  seceded  that  there  was  a  majority  of  the 
constitutional  voters  in  these  states  in  favor  of  remain- 
ing in  the  Union,  that  I  believe  the  President  to  have 
been  right  in  issuing  this  Proclamation  in  order  to  put 
down  the  rebellion,  but  then,  if  there  was  a  majority  in 
favor  of  going  out  of  the  Union,  then  I  believe  him  to 
have  been  wrong.     But  the  way  it  was,  we  can't  tell 
whether  the  majority  of  the  constitutional  voters  in  these 
states  were  in  favor  or  against  secession,  and  therefore 
can't  tell  whether  or  not  Lincoln  was  right  in  issuing 
his   proclamation    calling    for   these   troops.      But   if 
these  states  seceded  by  a  minority  vote,  unless  the  gen 
eral  government  had  taken  steps  to  coerce  or  bring  them 
back,  there  was  no  other  power  left  to  do  so,  and  if  let 
alone  the  first  step  towards   an  Aristocratical  Govern- 
ment would  thus  have  been  taken.     It  is   therefore  to 
be  regretted  that  all  the  states  that  chose  to  secede  had 
not   submitted  it  to  the  popular  vote  of  their  respective 
states  for  ratification  or   rejection.     Our  course  would 
then  have  been  more  clearly  defined.     I  will  here  re- 
mark that  I  presume  I  am  as  much  opposed  to  Black 
republican    misrule  and  oppression  as  any   one,    but 
I  was  not  for  taking  such    a  decisive  step  until    such 
treatment  had  been  shown  towardsus,  and  if  it  had  thus 
become  necessary  for  us  to  act,  I  think  it  should  have 
been  submitted  to  the  people  to  give  their  assent  or  dis- 
sent thereto.     "We  have  a  brave,  bold   high  minded  set 
of  people,   and  had  the  North  have  infringed  on  their 
rights,  I  don't  think  they  would  have  been  long  in  offer- 
ing a  proper  resentment,  and  if  the  causes   had    been 


justifiable,  T  not  only  consider  it  their  privilege  but 
actually  their  duty  to  have  seceded  or  withdrawn  from 
the  general  government.  One  great  reason  for  arguing 
that  the  ordinance  of  secession  should  have  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  people  is,  that  whatever  would  have  been 
right  in  the  matter,  I  think  they  would  have  done  ;  if 
it  had  been  right,  and  justice  had  demanded  it,  they 
would  doubtless  have  seceded,  but  if  the  causes  had  not 
been  justifiable,  I  don't  think  they  would  have  seceded, 
They  did  not  have  any  ends  to  accomplish  like  many 
of  the  politicians.  They  would  therefore  have  consid- 
ered the  matter  cooly  and  deliberately  and  would  not 
have  seceded,  I  don't  think  for  trivial  causes. 

Inasmuch  as  it  wras  mixed  up  with  uncertainty* 
whether  or  not  the  majority  ruled  at  the  seceding  of 
the  several  States,  would  it  not  have  been  well  for  the 
governors  of  the  states  yet  remaining  in  the  Union  to 
have  made  some  inquiries  of  the  President  as  to  what 
disposition  he  proposed  making  of  these  troops,  before 
seceding  and  bringing  on  such  direful  consequences. 
Maryland  furnished  her  quota  of  troops,  and  the  Presi- 
dent gave  the  Governor  of  that  State  a  pledge  that  ho 
would  use  the  troops  thus  furnished  only  in  defense  of 
their  own  State  or  Washington  City.  Perhaps  he 
might  have  made  the  same  disposition  of  the  troops 
from  this  State,  had  our  Governor  have  complied  with 
his  Proclamation,  or  even  showed  a  disposition  to  do 
so.  Or  he  might  probably  have  begged  off  from  furnish- 
ing any  troops,  and  yet  remained  in  the  Union,  and 
particularly  as  the  Northern  States  had  furnished  more 
than  the  To, 000.  I  don't  here,  wish  to  be  understood 
as  advising  that  we  must  stoop  to  any  thing  dishonora- 
ble in  order  to  remain  in  the  Union. 

The  first  thing  I  think,  for  the   States  to  do  after  se- 


ceding,  even  if  they  had  done  go  by  a  popular  vote,  was 
to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  to  fight  when  force  was 
brought  against  them,  and  not  to  have  threatened  an 
in.ji',-  >voked  attack  against  Washington  City  and  other 
points  North.  The  North  declare  that  it  was  the  threat 
against  the  North,  principally  Washington  City,  that 
first  caused  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the  South . 

CIIAPTERV1 
LETTERS  OF  MARQUE  ISSUED. 

Letters  of  marque  were  issued  by  President  Davis  on 
the  17th  of  April,  1801.  This  did  not  appear  to  be 
guarding  either  our  homes,  or  our  rights,  but  was  at 
once,  I  think,  taking  the  war  to  where  it  need  not  be. 
This  circumstance  reminds  me  of  a  remark  of  Benja- 
min Franklin,  upon  a  certain  occasion.  He  said  many 
times  a  man  having  but  little  money  is  more  free  with 
it  than  if  he  had  a  good  deal,  in  order  that  people  may 
not  think  he  has  but  little.  So  with  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy. They  having  but  few  or  no  vessels,  wished 
to  make  up  for  the  deficiency  by  making  this  vain  boast 
to  the  world. 

Afi^jp  the  Southern  authorities  passed  what  is  called 
the  sequestration  act,  confiscating  all  property  or  debts 
due  Northern  people.  Was  this  justice  ?  Was  it  right? 
Perhaps  these  sums  due  Northern  citizens,  may  have 
been  for  work  and  labor  done,  and  this  was  sold  here 
to  the  people  of  the  South  at  fair  prices  and  with  aper- 
fect  understanding  that  they  were  to  be  paid.  Per- 
haps there  are  persons  at  the  North  who  have  incurred 
debts  in  getting  up  this  merchandise  ;  they  there  have 
to  pay  these  debts,  but  here  the  property  or  dues  as  the 


oo 


case  may  be,  is  confiscated  and  applied  to  government 
purposes,  is  this  Justice  ?  Perhaps  these  claims,  too 
arc  going  to  our  friends  at  the  North,  men  whose  hearts 
are  with  us.  Their  claims,  too  are  confiscated.  These 
claims  do  not  belong  to  government.  They  never  pur- 
ehased  them  nor  paid  value  for  them  ;  therefore  in  my 
opinion,  they  had  no  right  to  interfere  therewith.  I 
think,  they  should  have  been  let  alone,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  war  let  the  people  of  the  south  pay  to  those  of 
Hie  North  their  just  dues  and  viee  versa,  Confiscating 
these  dues  will,  I  think,  only  cause  the  war  to  be  Waged 
more  fiercely  against  us. 

JC  II  A  P  T  E  R  V 1 1 . 

FEKSOSAL  LIBERTY  BILLS. 

Again  it  may  he  argued  that  the  north  acted  uncon- 
stitutional in  passing  those  Personal  Liberty  Bills.  So 
they  did.  There  were  originally  but  thirteen  states, 
twelve  bf  which  were  slave  holding,  and  slavery  was 
guaranteed  under  the  constitution  of  1787.  But  were 
they  an  offense  justifiable  of  secession^  breaking  up  the 
Union  and  what  is  a  great  deal  worse,  bringing  upon 
us  this  horrible  war.?  [  trow  not.  These  liberty  bills 
had  such  a  very  small  effect  on  us  here,  that  we  scarce- 
ly knew  of  their  existence  until  these  sectional  troubles 
broke  out.     If  they  had  been  an   offense   jus  of 

mi,  why  did  not  the  border  slave  suites,  thai  suf- 
fered most  by  them,  firsl  ?  They  lost  probably 
an  hundred  fugitives  to  wb 

lost  one.     Wb  Mithern 

hardly<  .fugitive,  thufirst  ^secede? 

And  after  all,  is   secession    any  remedy  for  the   evil? 


36 


Will  there  not,  in  all  probability,  half  a  dozen  flee  from 
their  masters  and  seek  homes  in  Northern  States  to 
where  there  did  one  before,  and  without  the  least  hope 
of  their  ever  being  recovered,  for  in  case  of  separation 
they  will  not  then,  I  presume,  give  us  the  benefit  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law.  If  the  two  sections  were  separated, 
would  not  this  thing  tend  soon  to  involve  them  in  war 
again.  It  is  true  there  has  sometimes  been  opposition 
made  to  the  owners  in  recovering  their  fugitive  slaves 
from  the  north,  but  probably  there  were  ten,  twenty  or 
even  fifty  given  up  peaceably  to  where  there  was  one 
forcibly  taken  from  his  owner,  or  one  that  he  was  pre- 
vented by  violence  from  getting.  Generally  about  those 
that  wTere  recovered  peaceably  there  was  nothing  said, 
whilst  an  account  of  those  that  were  forcibly  taken  from 
their  masters,  or  such  as  they  were  prevented  from 
getting,  was  in  almost  every  newspaper  throughout  the 
land,  and  particularly  at  the  South. 

It  is  said  by  the  people  of  the  north  that  the  fugitive 
slave  law  has  times  more  than  once,  caused  free  persons 
of  color  to  be  enslaved.  See  33.  I  expect  though,  the 
number  thus  brought  away  was  but  few,  whilst  many 
have  escaped  from  the  south  to  the  north  who  have 
never  been  recovered. 

In  the  summer  of  1855,  there  were  servants  that  ab- 
sconded from  the  city  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  in  one  month 
alone  to  the  value  of  about  $30,000.  If  they  could  stand 
this  and  not  secede,  why  could  not  the  people  of  more 
southern  states,  who  had  lost  but  very  few  servants  if 
any,  by  their  absconding  to  the  North.  And  if  these 
liberty  bills  had  been  a  grievous  and  universal  thing, 
were  there  no  way  to  remedy  the  evil  only  in  secession. 
Could  not  the  people  of  the  south  have  imposed  heavy 
taxes   on   goods  of  Northern  manufacture,  and  thus 


■->! 


have  kept  back  their  goods,  and  also  their  vessels  that 
brought  them.  This  would  soon  have  built  up  the  ne- 
cessary manufactories  among  us  and  we  would  not  then 
have  needed  their  goods.  If  the  trade  of  the  North  had 
thus  been  cut  oft  and  their  vessels  kept  at  home, 
there  would  have  been  but  few  of  our  servants  taken 
there  I  assure  you.  Or  if  we  preferred  still  to  trade  with 
the  north  to  a  certain  extent,  we  should  have  built  our 
own  vessls  with  which  to  have  done  our  trading,  and 
not  have  had  all  our  freighting  done  by  northern  ves- 
sels. This  would  also,  to  a  very  great  extent,  have 
stopped  the  running  away  of  our  servants  and  seeking 
homes  in  northern  states.  This  course  would  also 
have  teuded  much  towards  building  up  the  south,  in 
making  us  a  manufacturing  and  commercial  people. 
It  would  also  have  vastly  strengthened  our  money  mar- 
ket and  would  have  eventually  done  away  with  these 
money  panics,  that  have  been  occurring  at  intervals  of 
a  few  years  for  a  good  many  years  back.  Our  overtra- 
ding to  the  North  and  they  overtrading  to  Europe  has 
been  two  of  the  main  fruitful  causes  in  bringing  about 
those  panics. 

In  illustration  of  this  I  will  bring  forward  some  facts. 

At  the  time  of  President  Buchanan's  inauguration, 
there  were  in  the  United  States  some  1400  banks  with 
specie  in  their  vaults  to  the  amount  of  $63,000,000. 

We  have  been  trading  to  Europe,  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  to  other  powers,  to  such  an  extent  that  we  actually 
traded  out  all  our  cotton,  tobacco,  rice,  &c,  that  we 
exported,  and  then  sent  away  annually,  $30,000,000  in 
specie  besides.  For  the  single  item  of  coffee  we  have 
been  paying  fifteen  and  a  half  million  dollars  annually. 
This  sum  or  the  amount  that  our  imports  exceeded  our 
exports ($30,000,000)  had  to  gg  in  gold  aud  silver,  aud 


53 


came  indirectly  from  the  vaults  of  the  southern  banks, 
Because  the  people  at  the  north  have  to  pay  specie  for 
these  goods  what  they  lack  of  having  exports  enough 
to  pay  with — mostly  southern  cotton,  rice,  tobacco,  tur- 
pentine, &c.  Onr  merchants  then  go  north  and  buy 
these  goods  and  give  them  in  exchange  our  banknotes. 
The  northern  merchants  or  brokers  then  send  back 
these  notes  and  with  them  draw  the  specie  from  our 
banks,  and  we  having  no  place  to  draw  from  principally 
feel  the  effects  of  these  money  panics.  So  it  will  be  seen 
that  two  years  thus  trading  will  exhaust  our  banks  of 
nearly  every  dollar  in  their  vaults. 

These  panics  would,  doubtless,  have  been  more  fre- 
quent and  of  a  more  serious  nature  had  it  not  been  for 
the  large  influx  of  gold  from  California. 

In  a  little  over  ten  years  gold  has  been  brought  from 
California  to  the  amount,  I  believe,  of  $479,000,000- 
During  the  fifty  years  previous  there  was  produced  in  the 
whole  United  States,  I  helicvc  about  $20,000,000 
worth.  This  gold  was  once  with  us,  but  owing  to  our 
tariff  and  system  of  free  trade,  is  now,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, in  Europe  or  some  other  foreign  power.  All  these 
panics,  &c,  I  think  might  have  been  prevented,  our 
servants  kept  at  Iioinc,  and  nobody  hurt  by  putting  up 
a  high  protective  tariff,  and,  to  a  great  extent,  prohibi- 
ting both  Northern  arid  European  manufactures,  I 
think  we  should  have  a  tariff  such  as  would  cause  our 
exports  to  equal,  if  not  exceed  our  imports.  We  have 
the  an  vantage,  and  why  not  make  use  of  it  to  a  certain 
extent.  I  would  hot  be  for  passing  such  a  law  as  this 
in  retaliation  for  anything  that  the  North  may  have 
done,  but  I  actually  think  such  a  law  necessary  for  our 
we'll  being  as  a  people.  We  should  also  have  had  our. 
own  vessels  to  carry  on  our  commerce.  The  scale. 
would  then  soon  have  turned,  and  instead  of  sending 


$ 

ourspecie  out  of  the  country,  wc  should  been  bringing  it 
iu  both  from  in     North  and  from  hlurop 
have  the 

the  North  and  Europe  cannot  well  do  wil '  '.ml  wo 

had  better,  hi  my  opinion,  have  \  en  if 

we  had  had  to  have  paid  somehfgh*  une 

article  of  homo,  manufacture.  In  time  competition 
would  have  gotten   up  among  our  man  ire,  and 

the  articles  would  thus  soon  have  been  brought  down 
suflicicntly  low.     Our  paper  currency  would  then  | 
for  these  gdods,  and  there  would  bo  but  very  seldom^ 
if  ever  any,  run  upon  our  banks.     Our  banks  would 
then  probably  h:  u  on  the  best  foundation  of  any 

in  the  world,      k  panics  would  then  ever 

have  been  beard  of,  for  we  Would  always  have  bad 
plenty  of  gold  and  silver  aniqng  us.  Would  it  not, 
therefore,  have  been  better  to  have  brought  the  North 
to  their  senses  by  passing  luws  to  this  elt'eet,  than  it 
was  to  kick  up  at  small  offences,  \ry  the  doubtful ordi- 
nance of  secession,  and  in  place  of  the  lesser  evils  bring 
on  others  infinitely  greater? 

But  it  may  bo  aig-ued  that  we  had  not  the  power  to 
pass  laws  relative  to  the  tariff,  &c,  whilst  in  the  union. 
But  il  seems  to  me  with  the  rights  the  states  had  that 
each  state  could  have  pa  •  •  1  a  law  that  would  have 
answered  about  the  same  purpose  as  though  it  had  been 
passed  by  the  general  government.  At  all  events,  I 
think  the  people  of  the  South  had  as  good  a  right  to 
ich  law-  ..  North  had  to  pass^thoae 

personal  Liberty  bills,  ami  I  think  by  passing  such  laws 
that  the  north  Would  eventually  have  been  brought  to 
their  error,  ami  that  they  were  as  much  defendant 
on.  and   in'  in   slave    labor   as    the    people   of 

the   South.     They    haiglrt    thus   eventually  have    been 


40 

brought  to  see  their  error  and  as  a  consequence  repeal- 
ed those  offensive  Libert}'  bills.  At  all  events  I  think 
such  a  course  would  have  kept  off  these  difficulties  for 
a  considerable  time  if  it  had  not  effectually  healed  them 
I  think  by  taking  the  proper  course  that  these  difficul- 
ties might  have  been  settled  peacably,  but  even  if  they 
could  not,  let  us  have  shown  the  disposition  to  keep 
them  off  as  long  as  possible,  so  that  if  the  worst  did 
come  that  the  fault  of  no  part  of  it  could  be  laid  to  us. 
The  last  hope  of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation 
should  first  have  been  lost  before  bringing  on  such  a 
dreadful  calamity  as  a  civil  war.  Let  us  hope  that  the 
storm  may  soon  blow  over,  and  that  these  difficulties 
may  soon  be  settled  honorably,  fairly,  and  peacably, 
and  without  any  farther  spilling  of  blood. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
TREATMENT  OF   SERVANTS. 

Again  it  may  be  argued  by  the  people  of  the  North 
that  in  many  instances,  the  people  of  the  South  are  so 
cruel  to  their  servants  that  there  was  a  need  of  some- 
thing being  passed  in  the  shape  of  Personal  Liberty 
bills  to  protect  them  from  harsh  treatment. 

It  is  to  be  regreted  that  effective  laws  are  generally 
lacking  to  protect  the  poor  African  from  the  cruel  treat- 
ment to  which  he  is  sometimes  submitted.  I  am  hap- 
py to  believe,  though,  that  the  treatment  of  servants  is 
fast  changing  for  the  betterfrom  what  it  has  been.  The 
following  rules  are  intended  in  the  main  to  apply  to 
the  exceptions  of  good  treatment  we  now  and  then 
meeting  up  with  a  case,  but  they  are  very  rare  in  this 
section.     But  still  upon  these  exceptions  there  should, 


41 


I  think  be  some  stringent  binding  laws  passed  in  order 
to  enforce  humanity  upon  them  if  they  will  not  practice 
it  without.  It  is  no  pleasure  for  me  to  speak  upon  this 
subject  as  I  shall,  before  I  get  through  the  work,  but  I 
shall  do  so  solely  as  as  a  duty  I  think  I  owe  to  my  God 
and  f  How  man.  Then  as  before  intimated  I  believe 
there  should  be  some  stringent  laws  passed  restricting 
the  privileges  of  cruel  masters,  for  they  can  and  some- 
times do,  strip  and  tie  their  servants  and  then  literally 
cut  their  hides  to  peiees  with  the  lash  and  there  is  no 
one  to  raise  his  voice  in  behalf  of  the  poor  African. 
They  have  also  sometimes  been  paddled  with  a  paddle 
having  holes  bored  in  it,  to  ahorrible  degree.  He  cries 
and  begs  for  morcy  with  all  his  might,  but  still  the 
cruel  lash  keeps  coming. 

There  is  evidently  a  law  needed  in  behalf  of  these 
people.  But  the  people  of  the  north  are  not  the  ones 
to  make  it.  The  people  should  here,  I  think,  have 
taken  it  into  their  own  hands,  and  have  passed  laws 
such  as  would  have  insured  their  general  good  treat- 
ment. 

I  therefore,  think  a  law  somewhat  like  the  following 
would  be  well. 

That  no  master,  nor  other  person,  should  at  any  one 
time  give  his  servant  more  than  six  stripes  upon  his 
bare  back,  unless  it  be  for  some  very  grievous  offense. 
In  that  case,  if  the  master  should  be  desirous  of  giving 
his  servant  more  than  six  stripes  at  any  one  time,  let 
him  take  the  offending  servant  before  some  acting  jus- 
tice of  the  peace,  and  there  make  his  complaint  against 
him,  and  if  the  magistrate  shall  so  adjudge,  he  may 
then  and  there  give  his  servant  as  many  a3  thirty-nine 
lashes  upon  his  bare  back. 

This  plan  would,  I  think,  have  a  good  moral    effect 


42 


upon  the  servant,  because  he  would  be  ashamed  to 
be  thus  publicly  whipped,  and  one  such  whipping 
would,  I  think,  do  more  good  in  restoring  order  and 
discipline  that  half  a  dozen  would  given  privately.  I 
therefore,  think  that  he  would  endeavor  to  the  utmost 
to  avoid  such  a  whipping  by  doing  his  duty  as  nearly 
a?  possible,  from  the  fear  of  being  thus  exposed.  Such  a 
course  of  treatment  would  have  as  much  or  probably  more 
to  do  in  keeping  them  in  their  line  of  duty  than  the  pun- 
ishment itself.  Therefore  let  us  use  means  as  much  as 
lay  in  our  power,  to  bring  them  to  their  duty  without, 
resorting  to  rought  means.  But  let  us  hope  that  there 
would  never  be  any  need  fbr  going  over  the  six  stripes 
and  not  even  that  many,  if  it  can  well  be  avoided. 

There  should  evidently  be  tome  restrictions  put  upon 
cruel  masters,  for  they  frequently  inflict  greater  punish- 
ment than  they  are  aware  of,  as  they  feel  no  part  of  the 
pain  thus  inflicted  themselves.  If  a  master  should  vi- 
olate this  law,  i.  e.  give  more  than  six  siripes  at  any 
one  time,  only  as  prescribed  above,  let  the  servant  tho- 
treated  go  out  free.     See  84. 

I  don't  wish  to  be  understood  as  advocating  the  doc- 
that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  God  has  p laced  them  in  a 
condition  to  be  slaves,  and  decreed  that  they  should  be 
such,  I  don't  know  that  it  should  particularly  concern 
us  more  than  to  treat  them  well. 

Whether  or  not  it  be  right  and  consistent  with  the 
will  of  Almighty  God  to  own  slaves,  I  am  unable  at 
present  to  tell.  We  find  them  here,  and  I  think  the 
best  thing  that  we  can  do  with  them  at  present,  is  to 
keep  them  and  treat  them  with  kiwkiesa  and  humanity 
and  if  it  be  not  consistent  with  the  will  of  Almighty 
God,  to  keep  them  thus,  He  will  doubtless  in  time 
make  it  known  to  us, 


48 


Where  servants  are  <proper]v  and  well  treated  t li«  \- 
are  in  all  probability,  in  a  much  happier  and  bettor  con- 
dition than  they  Would  be,  freed  and  at  the  north, 
■whither  many -of  them  have  gone,  or  in  their  native 
■country,  Liberia. 

Travelers  universally  give  it  as  their  opinion,  (so  Sir 

as  my  knowledge  goes,)  that  the  servants  at  the  couth, 

they  are  well  treated,  are  in  a  much  happier  and 

better  condition  than  the  tree  blacks  at  the  north  are  in- 

That  there  were  servants  in  old  times  admits  not  of 
cLou.bt.      See 

Though  from  She  ab  >ve  it  seems  that  the  Hebrews 
only  were  commanded  or  permitted  to  own  servants  or 
bondmen.     In  justification  of  this.     See  36. 

If  the  Hebrews  only  were  eommamled  or  permitted 
to  own -servants  or  bondmen,  ii  is  evident  that  no  other 
nation  hath  a  right  to  own  them  under  that  command. 

The  Hebrews  were  the  chosen  people  of  God,  and  had 
themselves  suffered  bondage  and  various  afflictions,  and 
the  probability  is  that  this  privilege  was  granted  them  to 
make  up  for  sonic  of  their  reverses,  or  because  they 
were  the  special  and  chosen  people  of  God,  our  right, 
to  retain  or  own  bondmen  under  this  com- 
mand, will  depend  on  oar  establishing  that  we  arc  ef 
Hebrew  descent.  I  leave  the  reader  to  satisfy  ljimsclf 
on  tiii.-  point.  If  we  can  establish  that  we  arc  of  He- 
brew descent,  then  have  we  a  right  to  hold  bondmen 
under  that  provision  ;  otherwise  we  mast  derive  our 
right  to  hold  them  from  some  other  so.ui;< 

But  if  we  had   that  we  arc   not   of  Hebrew   i 
how  about  it  then??     Why,  as  we  rind  them  here,  and 
as  it  is  admitted  that  they  arc  better  off  here  in  a  state 
of  servitude,  than  they  would  be  iu  their  native  Country, 
Liberia,  or  in  the  Northern  States  free,  whither  many 


41 

of  tliern  have  gone,  I  don't  know  what  better  we  cancfo 
with  them  than  to  keep  them  here  as  they  are,  and 
treat  them  well. 

They  are  evidently  better  oft' here,  provided  they  are 
well  treated,  where  they  have  the  light  of  the  Gospel, 
than  they  would  be  in  a  heathen  land.  Therefore, 
transporting  them  here  it  seems  must  have  been  an  ad- 
vantage to  them,  provided  they  are  well  treated. 

Seems  like  it  is  more  than  our  brethren  at  the  north 
should  reasonably  expect  that  the  blacks  of  Africa 
should  be  transported  from  the  desert  waste  of  a  tropical 
country  to  one  far  more  genial  and  fertile,  and  freed 
solely  at  our  expense.  The  original  stock  of  slaves  here 
was  purchased  by  our  forefathers,  either  of  slavers,  or 
from  those  Northern  States  which  have  since  abolished 
slavery.  And  if  it  were  right  thus  to  bring  them  here 
and  tree  them  solely  at  our  expense,  they  might  as  wel 
argue  that  we  had  best  continue  to  spend  our  money 
for  these  people  in  order  to  get  therii  to  a  better  coun- 
try. For  no  philanthropist,  I  presume,  would  argue 
that  it  would  be  best  to  send  the  slaves  that  are  here 
back  to  the  desert  wastes  of  Africa,  from  whence  they 
came.  And  there  is  no  Scripture  nor  moral  law  that 
I  have  ever  seen  that  would  go  to  prove  that  it  is  our 
duty  thus  to  transport  them  from  the  desert  waste  of  a 
tropical  country,  for  the  sake  of  getting  them  to  one  far 
more  genial  and  fertile. 

This  generation  did  not  bring  them  here,  or  cause 
them  to  be  brought.  Therefore  iu  my  opinion  we  are 
not  responsible  for  their  being  here.  So  if  their  being 
brought  here  is  a  godly  or  an  ungodly  act  I  think  nei 
ther  the  credit  nor  the  blame,  as  the  case  may  be,  of 
any  part  thereof  rest  with  us.  We  find  them  here  and 
as  aphilanthrophic  people  I  think  we  should  not  do  any 
hing  to  worse  their  condition,   which  in   my  opinion- 


l; 


would  be  done  were  they  freed  and  sent  back  to  the 
parching  sands  of  Africa  from  whence  they  came.  And 
if  it  be  wrong  to  have  them  here  in  servitude,  it  would 
seem  to  be  our  duty  to  send  them  back  from  whence 
they  came. 

The  servants  that  are  here  in  my  opinion  are  much 
better  oft*,  where  they  are  well  treated,  than  their 
brethren  in  Africa  and  are  likewise  probably  of  some 
advantage  to  us  here  as  well  as  to  the  people  of  the  north 
and  the  various  European  nations.  For  they  are  much 
better  adapted  for  working  the  cotton,  rice  and  sugar 
plantations  of  the  south  than  the  white  man  is.  Be- 
cause they  can  labor  with  impunity  among  various  epi- 
demic diseases  of  the  south,  wheie  the  white  man  would 
soon  sicken  and  die. 

I  will  give  an  example  of  this. 

During  the  prevalence  of  that  dreadful  scourge,  Yel- 
low Fever,  in  Norfolk'  in  the  summer  of  1855,  there 
died,  I  believe,  about  3,000  people.  During  this  most 
distressing  time  of  sickness,  suffering  and  death,  the 
negroes  escaped  with  almost  perfect  impunity.  I  only 
heard  of  one  or  two  being  sick  of  yellow  fever  ai.d 
they  might  possibly  have  been  sick  of  some  other  dis- 
ease. I  can't  say  with  certainty  that  it  proved  fatal 
among  the  blacks  in  the  first  instance,  whilst  among 
the  whites  at  the  time  of  its  greatest  rage,  there  died 
nearly  one  hundred  per  day.  I  was  there  for  a  consid- 
erable time,  myself  among  the  fever,  and  I  know  that 
I  heard  it  remarked,  that  the  fever  took  but  little  or 
no  effect  on  the  black  population.  This  goes  to  prove 
that  they  arc  muck  less  liable  to  be  affected  by  the  dis- 
eases of  warm  climates  than  the  whites,  and  are,  there- 
fore much  better  adapted  for  working  in  the  cotton, 
rice  and  sugar  plantations  of  the  South. 


4G 


But  I  don't  consider  this  even  {^justifiable  excuse  for 
reducing  them  to  bondage,  provided 
li'eve  it  not  to  he  in  accordance  with  Qoii's  will,  thj 

them.  We  not  knowing  the  will  of  God,  with  cer- 
tainty upon  tlijs  subject,  I  think  we  had  better  keep  them 
as  they  are  for  the  present,  and  ifit  be  not  consistent  with 
His  will  to  keep  them  thus,  lie  will,  I  think,  doubtless 
in  time  make  it  known  to  us,  as  has  been  before  stated. 

Those  persons  that  arc  so  desirous  of  seeing  the  ser- 
vants at  the  south  emancipated.  I  think  would  do  well 
to  look  into  the  thing  and  see  whether  their  condition 
would  be  bettered  by  thus  freeing  them.  "We  have 
abundant  evidence  to  prove  that  their  condition,  as  it 
now  is,  is  generally  speaking,  a  great  deal  better  than 
that  of  their  free  brethren  either  north  or  south.  In- 
deed, -where  they  are  well  treated,  they  may  be  said  to 
be  among  the  happiest  peoj  le  in  the  world.  For  they 
generally  couple  off  at  an  age  as  early  as  they  are  sus- 
ceptible of.  There  are  no  questions  of  property  nor  of 
a  worldly  character  to  decide  with  them,  for  their  wo- 
men are  all  like  Lycurgus  would  have  those  of  Sparta, 
all  equal  as  to  property,  37.  There  are  but  few  or  no 
cases  of  celibacy  among  them,  and  they  have  but  few 
or  no  cares  as  to  their  rising  families  ;  all  goes  well  and 
in  old  age,  they  are  taken  good  care  of.  So  I  think, 
when  they  are  well  treated,  that  they. are  about  the 
happiest  people  that  the  sun  shines  on. 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  know  the  condition  of 
some  countries  where  emancipation  has  taken  place,  I 
refer  him  to  33. 


C II  A  P  T  E  R  I X . 

TREATMENT  OF  SERV  coSrnsi 

We  will  now  look  at  what  we  call  good  treatment  oi 
servants.  That  there  nlust  be  some  mode  of  punish- 
islmient  for  the  disobedient,  can't  bedeniod  bypersons 
knowing  anvthing  of  the  management  of  servants. 

The  mode  and  the  degree  arc  the  things  to  "be  attain- 
ed to. 

"When  chastising  is  resorted  to,  it  should  he  done 
■with  a  light  hand,  so  as  not  to  cut  the  skin,  and  witji 
an  eye  single  to  their  benefit,  giving  no  more  than  may 
he  absolutely  necessary  to  insure  obedience.  Do  not 
mark  them  up  anil  send  them  down  to  iheif  graves 
hearing  the  marks  of  the  cruel  lash.  Some  cruel  per- 
sons in  chastising  become  excited,  and  the  poor  n 
hollowing  and  beging  lor  mercy,  duty  excites  them  and 
causes  them  to  apply  the  lash  more  cruelly.  Such  per- 
sons ought  to  have  a  wooden  negro  to  whip  upon,  that 
could  hoi]  without  the  operator  knowing  but 

what  it  was  a  genuine  negro  that  he  was  at  work  upon. 
.  for  human  flesh  to    bear    such   immense 
torture.     \^engeai  th  totheXbrd,  ami  I  don't 

think  any  (me  here  is  authorized  to   in.ui'ci    hell    i 
earth.     The  Lord  will,  1  think,  d  I  such 

risible  at  the  la;    ill  v. 

ve  and  mild  mean  .  at  that  is 

actuated  o>   <:  h    love  and    veneration  : 

say  b 

I'vanfs. 

I  i  .' 
food  that  you  pari 


i8 


.1  think  I  can  sum  up  in  a  few  words  all  that  is  neces- 
sary for  the  good  government  of  servants.  Fed  well, 
clothe  well,  and  when  it  be  necessary  and  unavoidable 
whip  well.  You  must  keep  them  in  subjection  either 
with  the  rod,  or  bv  creating  feelings  of  love  and  veuer- 
ation  in  them  towards  you  as  a  master. 

If  you  can  govern  by  this  latter  mode,  which  is  by 
far  the  best,  there  will  then  be  but  little  or  no  need  of 
resorting  to  rougher  means.  You  must  though  keep 
order  and  discipline  among  them  or  they  will  soon  render 
you  so  as  not  to  be  able  to  treat  them  well,  for  left  to 
their  own  will  they  soon  cease  to  work  to  much  ad- 
vantage. They  would  soon  get  to  be  like  bees  when 
transported  to  the  island  of  Jamaica.  They  then  soon 
cease  to  lay  up  honey  and  divert  themselves  by  flying 
about  the  sugar  mills  and  stinging  the  hands  at  work. 
The  reason  that  they  thus  cease  to  lay  up  honey  I  pre- 
sume is  that  they  can  always  get  plenty  of  the  neces- 
sary food  without  that  trouble.  Past  experience  has 
generally  proven  this  to  be  the  case  with  servants  where 
they  have  either  been  emancipated  or  left  to  their  own 
will  even.  In  either  case  they  soon  get  to  be  like  the 
bees — cease  to  work  to  much  advantage. 

Butas  has  already  been  remarked,  good  masters  make 
good  servants.  Try  as  much  as  possible  to  get  them  to 
take  an  interest  in  affairs  as  though  they  were  their  own. 
And  in  order  that  your  servauts  may  thus  become  in- 
terested in  your  affairs,  I  think  it  necessary  for  you  to 
give  your  business  your  personal  attention  and  become 
interested  in  it  yourself  before  you  can  except  your 
servants  to  take  a  proper  interest  in  your  affairs. 

Give  them  time  to  work  for  themselves,  half  of  each 
Saturday  we  will  say,  to  make  something  to  buy  nec- 
essaries with.     This  course  will  cause  time  fly  as  it  were 


43 


and  they  will  be  apt  to  attend  more  cheerfully  to  (heir 
business  during  the  week  with  the  hope  in  the  end  of 
working  some  for  themselves. 

I  will  here  mention  somewhat  a  novel  plan  for  the 
treatment  of  disobedient  servants.  There  is  a  gentleman 
not  a  great  ways  from  this  place  who,  for  disobedience 
ot  his  servants,  causes  a  table  to  be  spread  with  the 
choicest  dainties  he  has;  the  offender  must  then  sit 
down  and  take  a  hearty  repast.  This  is  all  the  punish- 
ment he  inflicts,  very  rarely  if  ever  resorting  to  any 
rougher  mode.  I  think  they  are  under  as  good  disci- 
pline, attend  to  business  as  closely,  and  are  likewise  as 
profitable  to  their  owner  as  any  in  the  whole  country. 
The  feeling  of  love  here  predominates.  It  has  a  moral 
effect  on  them,  and  causes  them  to  take  care  of  things 
as  though  they  were  their  own.  Let  us  hope  that  laws 
will  soon  be  passed  concerning  these  people,  such  as  at 
least  will  clear  us  from  having  any  sin  to  answer  for  on 
their  account. 

CHAPTER   X. 

THE  BLOCKADE  ESTABLISHED. 

Alius  having  been  appealed  to,  President  Lincoln, 
on  the  19th  April,  1861,  issued  his  proclamation  order- 
in;-  the  ports  <>t"  the  seceded  States  to  be  blockaded. 
Eight  days  thereafter,  or  on  the  27th,  he  issued  another 
proclamation  ordering  the  still  farther  blockade  of  the 
ports  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  the  inhabitants 
thereof  having  seized  upon  certain  of  their  forts,  &c, 
and  Yirginiahadalsosccededon  the  L7th  of  April.  North 
Carolina  did  not  secede  until  the  20th  of  May.  Toiin- 
3 


>0 


essee,  Arkansas,  and  I  believe,  Missouri,  soon  seceded 
also. 

June  the  10th.,  the  battle  of  Great  Bethel  near  York- 
town,  Va.,  was  fought.  The  war  thus  commenced  soon 
became  general.  The  history  of  it  from  that  time  down 
to  the  present  I  leave  with  the  reader. 

Let  us  now  go  back  and  take  another  view  of  the 
beginning  of  these  difficulties. 

I  will  ask  the  question,  was  secession  under  the  cir- 
cumstances best  ?  I  will  give  it  as  my  opinion  that  the 
causes  were  not  justifiable,  and  that  it  was  therefore  not 
for  the  best.  The  last  hope  of  bringing  abouta  reconcil- 
iation should,  I  think,  first  have  been  lost  before  tak- 
ing such  a  step.  It  is  easy  to  tear  up  a  government 
but  hard  to  put  one  right  again. 

About  the  time  secession  was  taking  a  good  start 
among  us,  I  heard  several  gentlemen  in  their  speeches 
assert  "  That  it  is  now  no  time  to  talk  but  a  time  to  act, 
the  time  for  talking,  they  said,  had  passed."  And 
farther  after  the  war  had  commenced,  it  was  a  common 
thing  for  this  same  class  of  men  to  say,  "That  it  is  now 
no  time  to  talk  of  the  causes  of  the  war,  how  it  came 
about,"  &.c.  The  war,  they  said  is  upon  us  and  we  must 
light  out.  Eight  or  wrong,  it  seems  we  must  fight  out 
without  once  looking  back  to  see  whether  or  not  we 
are  right.  If  we  be  wrong  how  can  we  expect  heaven 
to  crown  our  efforts.  I  at  the  time  differed  in  opin- 
ion with  these  gentlemen,  and  I  do  not  believe  that 
it  is  yet  too  late  to  talk.  In  fact  I  believe  it  is  a  time 
that  our  greatest  and  most  conservative  men  should  be 
called  forth,  so  as,  if  possible,  to  settle  this  distressing 
question  without  any  farther  shedding  of  blood. 

The  first  thing  then  that  I  think  we  should  do,  even 
now  at  this  late  hour,  is  to  go  back  and  look   into   the 


51 


causes  of  this  war;  with  an  impartial  eye,  and  if  we  find 

that  "we.  are  in  an  error,  or  that  the  fault  of  any  part  of 
it  rests  with  us,  let  us  set  in  right  there  to  work,  and  not 
cease  until  we  change  it  to  what  is  right  By  doing 
this  is  the  only  way  that  we  may  expect  to  get  upon  a 
sure  foundation.  If  in  an  error,  T  think  we  had  better 
to  retract  than  to  continue  in  it,  for  the  Scriptures,  I 
think,  somewhere  say  that  "The  Lord  will  abhor  the 
deceitful  and  bloody  man."  Then  until  we  first  con- 
form to  His  will  as  near  as  we  can  as  a  nation  and  peo- 
ple, how  can  we  expect  Him  to  give  us  success  in  spilling 
the  blood  ot  our  fellow  man.  Then  let  us  inspect  this 
fabric  that  has  been  rearing  si  nee  secession  took  its  start 
closely,  and  if  we  find  any  thing  in  the  structure  that 
is  wrong,  let  us  tear  down  and  build  of  anew  whatever  the 
cost.  If  we  can  detect  any  error  in  this  fabric,  I  think 
we  had  better  do  this  than  for  it  to  eventually  tumble 
and  fall  and  crush  us  in  the  ruins. 

And  if  there  be  manifest  error  in  it,  until  this  be  done 
I  look  upon  the  prayers  ascending  from  our  pulpits  for 
the.  success  of  our  arms,  right  or  wrong  as  it  were,  as 
solemn  mockery.  I  think  it  unbecoming  a  minister  of 
the  gospel,  cither  North  or  South,  to  pray  that  we  may 
succeed  by  force  of  arms;  that  we  may  kill,  oh,  a  great 
many  thousand  of  the  enemy,  and  drive  them  back  ut 
terly  discomfited  and  sorely  by  the  force  of  arms  ! 

In  order  that  I  may  make  my  position  plainer,  I  will 
use  the  following  illustration  :  We  will  say  that  a  master 
workman  gives  an  apprentice  a  job  of  work  to  do,  and 
be,  instead  of  doing  the  work  well,  bungles  over  it  in 
some  way,  or  perhaps  does  a  part  of  it  wrong.  He  then 
applies  to  his  master  for  more  work.  Does  he  give  it 
to  him  ?  No!  He  tells  him  to  go  and  do  the  work  well 
that  he  gave  him  before,  and  he  will  then  give  him  more. 


So  of  our  sectional  truobles.  If  we  can  find  anything 
in  the  past  relative  to  our  government,  or  to  these  sec- 
tional troubles  that  is  wrong,  right  back  there  we  should' 
go  and  begin,  and  not  cease  until  it  is  done  right. 

I  will  illustrate  this  a  little  farther:  We  will  say  that 
one  professes  religion;  gets  a  fresh  and  bright  hope. 
For  awhile  all  goes  well,  but  after  awhile  temptations 
arise ;  he  is  seduced  and  led  away  from  duty  ;  he  sins 
against  heaven  and  Divine  light.  The  Scriptures  some- 
where say  to  the  effect  that  "If  any  after  having  receiv- 
ed Divine  light,  fall  away,  it  is  impossible  to  renew 
them  again  unto  repentance,  seeing  they  crucify  Christ 
afresh,  and  put  him  to  an  open  shame."  What  then  ! 
They  can't  be  saved  in  their  sins,  and  they  can't  repent 
and  get  religion  over  again,  and  give  in  another  chris- 
tian experience,  for  that  would  be  crucifying  Christ 
afresh.  What 'then  must  they  do?  Why  all  such 
doubtless  recollect  the  first  sin,  and  even  the  first  time 
they  committed  this  sin  after  professing,  and  right  back 
to  that  place  they  must  go  and  get  forgiveness  for  this 
sin,  before  they  may  expect  to  make  much  progress  in 
grace.  Were  it  not  for  the  words  "  unto  repentance," 
in  the  text,  it  would  certainly  be  a  bad  case  with  all 
that  backslide  ;  and,  though  they  can't  profess  religion 
and  get  it  over  again,  they  can  go  back  and  seek  for- 
giveness for  what  they  have  done,  and  if  they  seek  in 
the  right  way,  they  will  be  apt  soon  to  obtain  it,  and  be 
led  forth  in  the  green  pastures  in  which  they  once 
roamed,  and  things  thus  all  be  brought  right  again. 
But  as  I  said  before,  until  they  do  this,  they  need  not 
expect  to  make  much  progress  ingrace. 

So  as  regards  our  country.  Somebody  is  wrong. 
Somebohy  is  in  fault  and  responsible  for  the  much  blood 
being  spilt,  the  many  valuable  lives  lost,  the  much  snf- 


53 

fcring  produced,  and  for  the  many  orphans  and  widows 
made  by  this  great  and  mighty  struggle.  And  that 
fault  wherever  it  is,  or  whatever  persons  may  be  in  it, 
is  doubtless  based  in  wickedness. 

I  therefore  think  that  a  better  prayer  for  our  minis, 
ters  would  be  to  pray,  that  those  that  are  in  fault  and 
principally  instrumental  in  bringing  on  these  difficul- 
ties may  be  brought  to  see  their  error,  that  their  course 
may  be  changed,  and  that  they  may  soon  unite  for  set- 
ling  these  difficulties  peaceably,  honorably  and  fairly, 
and  without  the  farther  spilling  of  blood. 

Notwithstanding  the  doubtfulness  of  the  justness  of 
some  of  our  proceedings,  our  clergy  and  laity  still  im- 
plore the  God  of  heaven  for  aid  and  protection,  and 
that  they  may  be  successful  in  this  their  undertaking, 
and  expect  Ilim  to  bend  as  it  were  to  suit  their  cases, 
and  to  aid  them,  when  the  justice  of  their  appeal  to 
arm's  is  at  least  questionable.  If  the  foundation  of  the 
structure  be  wrong,  you  may  build  upon  it  until  the 
fabric  shall  reach  the  skies  and  the  whole  fix  is  wrong. 
The  first  thing,  I  think,  that  should  be  done  in.  that 
rase  is  to  tear  down  and  begin  of  anew.  Lay  the  foun- 
dation right,  thcu  build  upon  it  in  the  same  way,  and 
we  may  then  expect  to  have  a  permanent  government. 

I  am  not  like  a  certain  Ex-Governor  in  an  adjoining 
state,  and  who  is  now  a  general  in  the  Confederate  ar- 
my, who  in  a  speech  upon  a  certain  occasion  said,  il  My 
motto  is  my  country ;  may  it  always  be  right ;  but 
right  or  wrong  my  country."  I  look  upon  such  as  this 
as  misguided  patriotism.  I  think  all  true  patriots 
should  bo  for  their  country  when  right,  and  if  their 
country  be  wrong,  let  them  use  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  put  it  right,  and  if  they  Tail  to  do  this,  then  let  them 
go  for  what  is  right.     For  if  one's  country  is  wrong, 


54 

what  better  evidence  need  we  to  want  that  our  govern- 
ment is  administered  by  bad  wicked  men  ;  I  therefore, 
think,  instead  of  backing  them,  endorsing  their  pro- 
ceedings, and  imploring  God's  protection  for  same,  that 
a  better  plan  would  be  to  strike  a  blow,  where  in  my 
opinion,  it  rightly  belongs.  Strike  it  at  those  bad 
wicked  men  in  power,  liemove  them  from  office,  and 
instead  thereof,  put  in  good  pious  men,  men  who  hold 
direct  communion  with  God.  You  may  then  expect 
soon  to  have  a  good  and  permanent  government,  for 
such  men  will  not  go  for  any  thing  wrong  if  they  know 
it. 

T  will  illustrate  this  idea  a  little. 

There  was  some  years  ago  upon  one  of  our  western 
rivers,  a  steamboat  making  one   of  her  regular  trips. 

Among  the  passengers  was  one  who  had  about  his 
person  a  large  sum  of  money.  Night  coming  on,  he 
had  requested  of  the  Captain  a  private  room,  which  was 
given  him,  and  he  had  retired.  From  some  cause  or 
other,  probably  from  the  boat  becoming  more  crowded, 
it  became  necessary  for  him  to  have  a  comrade,  ac- 
cordingly there  was  one  put  in  with  him.  Our  friend 
says  that  in  the  very  looks  of  his  guest,  ho  thought  he 
could  detect  the  robber,  and  his  very  long  beard  gave 
him  a  still  more  savage  appearance;  so  he  eyed  him 
closely.  But  this  gentleman,  after  undressing  himself 
knelt  down  and  prayed  a  short  fervent  prayer,  lie 
prayed  for  the  welfare  of  his  wife  and  little  ones  at 
home,  for  a  safe  trip,  &c.  He  then  got  up  and  got  in 
bed.  Our  friend  after  seeing  this,  had  no  fears  of  his 
companion.  He  soon  dropped  off  to  sleep,  awoke  in 
the  morning  and  all  was  right. 

This  is  the  effect  of  true  religion.     Government   in 
the  hands  of  such  men,  all  will  be  well.     The   prayers 


55 


of  such  people  avail  much.  For  they  will  not  pray 
nor  go  for  any  thing  that  they  do  not  believe  to  be  in 
accordance  with  the  will  of  Almighty  God. 

If  we  could  put  through  any  design  which  we  do  not 
believe  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  Almighty 
God,  we  should  not  do  it,  though  it  might  at  present 
appear  to  he  of  much  advantage  to  us.  We  may  rest 
assured,  that  sooner  or  later  the  judgment  of  God  will 
be  upon  us;  for  any  thing  built  not  in  accordance  with 
II is  will  can't  stand. 

I  will  mention  for  instance  the  case  of  Moses  at 
Kadcsh  in  the  desert  of  Zin.  The  laralites  there  bo- 
came  thirsty  for  water  and  chode  with  Moses  forbring- 
ing  them  up  out  of  Egypt.  Moses  was  there  command- 
ed to  speak  to  the  rock  before  their  eyes,  and  it  should 
give  forth  his  water.  "Take  the  rod,  and  gather  thou 
the  assembly  together,  thou  and  Aaron  thy  brother, 
and  speak  ye  unto  the  rock  before  their  eyes  ;  and  it 
shall  give  forth  his  water,  and  thou  shaft  bring  forth  to 
them  water  out  of  the  rock;  So  thou  shalt  give  the 
congregation    and   his   beasts  drink."     Xumb.  26 :  8. 

Moses  smote  the  rock  with  his  rod  twice,  the  water 
flowed  abundantly  for  the  people  and  beasts.  All 
drank  and  it  appeared  that  all  might  be  well,  but  not 
so  ;  Mioses  had  not  obeyed  the  command  of  the  Lord, 
he  had  smitcn  the  rock  instead  of  speaking  to  it;  and 
for  violating  this  command,  he  was  prohibited  from 
entering  the  Land  of  Promise.  Though  the  smiting  of 
of  the  rock  had  probably  caused  the  water  to  flow  as  it 
would  have  done  had  he  spoken  to  it,  yet  he  had  not 
obeyed  the  command  of  God.  Though  he  had  by  com- 
mand smitten  the  rock  at  Horeb  and  caused  the  water 
to  flow  there,  1  presume  pretty  much  at  it  did  here,  and 
though  he  had  smiten  it  probably  unthoughtedly,  think-. 


56 

ing  that  be  must  now  bring  the  water  in  the  same  way 
that  be  did  at  Horeb,  and  particularly  as  he  was  com- 
manded to  take  bis  rod  with  him,  yet  it  would  not 
all  excuse  him,  and  for  disobeying  this  command  he 
was  permitted  only  to  behold  the  Promised  Land.  There- 
fore to  obey  a  command  of  God  we  must  do  just  what 
is  commanded,  nothing  more  nor  less.  Though  it  may 
appear  to  go  well  at  the  time,  as  it  did  with  Moses, 
yet  there  will  be  apt  sooner  or  later  to  be  a  curse  of 
some  kind  upon  the  offender.- 

What  I  wish  to  prove  by  the  foregoing  is  that  as  wars 
can't  be  established  in  justice  according  to  the  word  of 
God,  a  curse  of  some  kind  certainly  awaits  the  guilty 
party,  though  at  present  they  may  even  be  victors. 

Wisdom  is  better  than  weapons  of  war;  but  one  sin- 
ner destroyeth  much  good. 

Let  us  first  be  sure  we  are  right  then  may  we  reason- 
ably expect  God's  aid  in  crushing  out  our  enemies. 

I  will  here  state  again  that  I  do  not  believe  the  causes 
were  justifiable  for  secession  for  the  following  reasons 
and  that  therefore,  at  least,  a  portion  of  the  wrong  must 
be  on  our  side. 

The  President  was  constitutionally  elected,  though 
by  a  party  antagonistic  to  the  interests  of  the  South 
(mostly  as  regards  the  teritories)  had  their  principles 
been  caried  out.  Notwithstanding  this  I  think  we 
should  have  waited  until  he  had  done  some  unconsti- 
tutional act  before  seceding  and  bringing  on  such  dire- 
ful consequences.  Because  though  of  the  Eepublican 
party  he  had  in  his  inaugural,  I  believe,  stated  that  he 
had  no  desire  or  disposition  to  interfere  with  the  in- 
stitutions of  the  South,  meaning  slavery. 

And  in  some  of  his  speeches  he  said  I  always  told 
you  that  we  would  beat  you  ;  that  could  have  been  kept 


■n 


off  longer  by  nominating  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  the 
Presidency  than  in  any  other  way,  but  now  that  we 
have  beaten  you  I  expect  you  wish  to  know  what  we 
are  going  to  do  with  you.  I  will  tell  you  what  we  will 
do  with  you.  It  is  my  desire  to  treat  you  as  near  like 
Washington  and  Jefferson    and  Madison  did  as  I  ran. 

lie  said  upon  another  occasion  that  there  should  be 
no  blood  spilt  during  his  administration  if  he  could 
help  it. 

Again,  to  the  division  in  the  democratic  ranks,  and 
a;  a  consequence,  running  two  democratic  canidates 
instead  of  one,  is  mainly  attributable  the  cause  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  election.  -Had  the}'  have  remained  united 
the  Republican  party  in  all  probability  could  not  have 
come  into  power  for  many  years  to  come,  even  if  it 
ever  had.  It  then  appears  bad  that  the  Democratic 
party  must  split  up  and  make  a  breach  through  which 
the  Republican  party  came  into  powcr,and  then,  mere- 
ly because  they  came  in  after  the  way  was  opened  for 
them,  they  must  disrupt  every  tie  and  go  immediately 
out  of  the  union. 

Had  the  Republican  party  been  largely  in  the  major- 
ity so  as  to  be  able  to  carry  through  any  design  they 
wished  and  had  also  have  threatened  speedily  to 
have  taken  our  rights  from  us  wc  could  not  have  done 
any  more  than  we  did.  We  could  not  have  taken  a 
more  decided  stand  against  them  than  wc  did,  even  if 
they  had  threatened  to  have  taken  our  liberties  from  us 
anii  to  deprive  us  of  every  thing  else  that  was  near 
and  dear  to  us.  But  instead  of  being  in  the  majority 
we  find  them  largely  in  the  minority  as  has  already 
been  shown.  So  had  we  have  brought  our  powers 
rightly  to  bear  on  them  as  we  might  have  done,  we 
might  have  kept  the  ascendancy  in  spite  of  them,     the 


58 


people  of  the  Northern  States  were  also  to  a  great  ex- 
tent conservative  as  I  will  show  before  I  get  through. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  think  we  should  not  have 
acted  with  so  much'  haste,  and  particularly  as  Lincoln's 
election  was  owing  mainly  to  the  breach  in  the  Demo- 
cratic party. 

The  Democratic  party  split  up  and  made  this  breach 
through  which  the  Republican  party  came  into  power, 
but  whether  or  not  they  did  this  designedly  I  am  not 
able  to  say. 

Secretary  Floyd  had  I  believe  during  the  Summer  of 
1860  sent  135.000  stand  of  small  arms,  besides  large  a- 
mounts  of  munitions  of  war,  to  the  southern  forts  and 
arsenals.  There  was  then  no  talk  nor  thought  itself 
among  the  people  of  these  coming  difficulties.  "When 
these  states  seceded  they  seized  upon  these  arms, which 
made  them  able  to  offer  a  much  greater  resistance  in 
the  struggle  when  it  did  come. 

,  Did  these  states  secede  because  they  thought  the 
President  would  do  them  an  injury  ?  He  was  evidently 
powerless  to  do  this  even  had  he  been  desirious  of  so 
doing.  In  the  first  place  he  had  rendered  himself 
harmless  by  his  own  words.  He  would  first  have  had 
to  have  eaten  them  before  he  could  have  offered  or  done 
any  harm  to  the  Southern  people. 

And  more  than  than  this,  there  was  a  majority  in 
both  branches  ot  Congress  against  him.  In  the  House 
of  Representatives  there  was  a  majority  of  thirty  against 
him,  and  in  the  Senate  there  was  a  majority  of  from 
four  to  eight  against  him.  With  this  majority  against 
him  the  Senate  could  have  appointed  him  a  cabinet  of 
the  opposite  party,  had  they  have  chosen  to  exercise 
their  power,  and  he  would  have  been  compelled  to 
have  acted  with  a  cabinet  opposed  to  his  views  as    did 


50 


George  the  III  (a  tory)  king  of  England. who  waa  com- 
pelled to  act  with  a  whig  cabinet,  who  had  to  ask  the 
whigs  to  appoint  his  ministers  and  who  had  to  receive 
a  cabinet  utterly  opposed  to  his  views. 

Again,  there  was  not  only  a  large  majority  of  the  pop- 
ular vote  against  Lincoln  as  President,  but  upon  top  of 
this  there  was  a  large  gain  against  his  party  at  the  next 
state  elections.  In  the  present  Congress  (at  the  time  of 
Lincoln's  election,)  the  States  oi'Rhode  Island  and  Con - 
neticut  had  six  Republican  members  in  Congress.  In 
the  next  they  have  four  Democrats  and  but  two  Repub- 
licans. The  State  of  New  York  had  in  the  present 
Congress  twelve  Republican  members,  In  the  next  she 
has  but  four.  There  was  likewise  large  gains  in  most 
if  not  all  of  the  other  Xorthen  States.  Even  Spring- 
field Illenois  the  place  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  residence,  and 
whieh  gave  him  a  handsome  majority  at  the  Presiden- 
tial election,  had  turned  over  to  be  democratic.  There 
had  also  gone  up  a  petition  to  Congres,  from  the  City  of 
iS'ew  York,  I  believe,  with  37,7.54  assignors,  praying 
the  settlement  of  the  question  by  adopting  the  Critten- 
don  plan.  The  list  was  1,108  feet  long.  There  was 
also  the  Xow  York  Stale  Convention  that  wished  the 
question  settled  by  adopting  the  Crittendon  plan,  which 
would  have  averted  civil  war  and  restored  peace  to  the 
country.  They  wanted  this  left  to  the  people — a  fair- 
way of  settling.  If  this  could  only  have  been  done,  I 
think  we  would  soon  have  had  peace.  All  these  things 
taken  together,  I  think  goes  to  prove  conclusively  that 
the  people  at  the  north  to  a  great  extent  were  conser- 
vative and  also  willing  to  yield.  If  the  politicians 
could  have  been  got  out  of  the  way,  I  don't  think  the 
people  would  have  had  any  difficulty  in  settling  the 
troubles  and    restoring  quietude  to  the  country,   if  it 


60 


had  been  submitted  to  them  at  the  ballot  box  after  the 
following  plan.  Let  the  people  of  the  slave  states  first 
have  voted,  all  the  states  voting  together,  whether  or 
not  they  were  willing  to  have  a  law  passed  for  the  bet- 
ter treatment  of  servants,  something  like  what  has  al- 
ready been  mentioned,  I  think  this  would  have  passed 
by  a  large  majority,  for  could  any  christian  humane 
man  have  done  any  thing  else  than  have  gone  for  it. 
We  will  say  then  this  passed.  The  northern  people 
would  then  have  had  no  excuse  for  keeping  op  those 
personal  liberty  bills. 

Then  let  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  have  voted 
whether  or  not  they  were  willing  to  repeal   those  per- 
sonal liberty  bills,  all  the  Northern  States  voting.     If 
a  majority  of  the  people  had  been  in  favor  of  repealing 
them,  let  them  have  been  repealed  in    all  the    states 
where  they  then  existed,  but  if  there  had  been  a  major- 
ity in  favor   of  these    bills,  I  think  they   should  have 
been  placed  on  the  Statute  Books  of  all  the  Northern 
States — let  them  have  gone  the  whole  hog  or  none.     If 
they  had  thus  voted,  in  favor  of  these  personal   liberty 
bills,  after  we  had  carried  ours  as  aforesaid,  I  think 
there  would  have  been  but  one  thing  left  for  us  to  do — ■ 
that   would  have  been  to  secede.     But  if  it  had  thus 
been  necessary  for  us  to  secede,  I  think  we  should  have 
done    so    according   to  Ex-President   Filmore's   plan. 
"Let  the  states  have  called  a  general  convention,  and 
let  them  have  seceded  peaceably."     There  was  no  need 
of  having  fighting  about  :'t.     But  I  think  if  the  North- 
ern States  had  voted  in  favor  of  these  personal  liberty 
bills,  that  a  Convention  of  the  Southern   States   would 
have  been  all   that  was  necessary.     Then  if  they  had 
passed  the  ordinance  of  secession,  I  think  it   should 
have  been  submitted  to  the  popular  vote  of  the  South- 


61 


em  States  for  ratification  or  rejection.  If  a  majority  of 
the  people  had  fhus  wanted  to  have  gone  out  of  the 
Union,  I  don't  think  there  is  any  Prince  upon  earth 
that  should  have  had  power  to  coerce  or  keep  them  in 
the  Union,  and  vice  versa. 

But  if  those  personal  liberty  hills  had  been  submitted 
to  a  popular  vote  of  the  people  at  the  north,  I  fully  be- 
lieve that  nineteen  out  of  twenty  would  have  voted  for 
their  repeal.  ' 

I  will  here  remark  that  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  should  first  have  voted,  because  if  the  mistreat- 
ment of  servants  be  an  offense,  it  is  of  longer  standing 
than  those  personal  liberty  bills,  and  should  therefore 
have  been  removed  first. 

A  law  passed  for  the  better  treatment  of  servants  and 
one  for  the  repeal  of  those  personal  liberty  bills,  would, 
I  think  have  been  two  very  important  steps  towards 
bringingabout  a  reconciliation  between  the  two  sections. 
In  fact  these  two  things  done,  I  don't  see  anything  in  the 
way  at  all  to  have  kept  from  a  speedy  and  peaceable 
adjustment. 

.These  troubles  might  in  my  opinion  have  been  settled 
by  our  Congress,  both  the  National  and  Peace,  had  we 
have  had  the  right  men  in  these  places,  but  in  my  opii  - 
ion  we.  did  not  have  them  there.  There  were  too  many 
of  them,  in  my  opinion,  Ex-Governors,  Ex-Presidents 
and  other  large  officials — men  who  were  too  stout  in 
their  natures  and  dispositions  to  yield  any  thing.  The 
longer  a  man  remains  in  public  life,  the  more,  I  think 
loes  he  become  settled  in  his  opinions,  and  the  leas  :i|  t 
ic  is  to  yield  any  thing  to  the  opinions  of  others.  You 
(Hll  please  pardon  me  for  saying  here,  that  I  do  not 
:hiuk  any  man  should  hold  an  office  of  promt  and  hon- 
jr  longer  than  four  years.     The  people,  I  think  should 


62 


be  the  masters  and  the  officers  their  servants.  Bat  the 
longer  these  officers  stay  in  power,  the  more,  I  think 
do  they  come  to  the  conclusion  that  they  are  the  mas- 
ters and  the  people  their  servants,  and  get  to  be  like 
Hammons,  who  in  the  Nashville  Convention  exclaimed, 
"  the  people  are  to  do  whatever  we  command  them." 
I  think  the  reverse  of  this  should  be  all  the  time — let  the 
people  be  the  masters  and  the  officers  their  servants. 

Ifc  is  said  that  the  bark  of  young  trees  is  better  for 
medical  purposes  than  that  of  old,  and  so  I  think  of 
government  officers,  I  don't  though  wish  to  be  under- 
stood as  arguing  that  young  men,  before  they  reach  the 
proper  age  of  experience,  make  better  officers  than 
those  older  and  more  experienced — quite  the  reverse. 
But  I  am  not  for  keeping  them  in  office  until  they  grow 
old  in  it  as  it  were,  and  get  tobelieve  that  the  office  and 
people  too  belong  to.  them,  It  is  true  a\  e  will  find  some 
exceptions  to  this  rule — a  few  who  would  make  good 
lifetime  officers,  but  where  we  find  one  such  a  case,  I 
think  we  will  find  ninety  and  nine  liable  to  be  led  off 
in  the  way  described. 

Another  reason  for  such  a  course  is,  that  in  many  of 
these  offices  there  is  not  only  good  pay  but  good  school- 
ing also.  As  a  member  of  the  Legislature  or  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  a  man  can  probablj*  gather  practical 
knowledge  as  fast  if  not  faster  than  he  can  in  almost 
any  other  way.  Therefore  in  a  republican  government, 
I  think  the  thing  should  be  divided  as  much  as  possible. 
In  order  that  I  may  not  be  misunderstood,  I  will  here 
remark  that  the  plan  mentioned  does  not  propose  that 
a  person  shall  hold  public  office  only  four  years  during 
his  life.  It  is  only  meant  that  he  should  not  hold  any 
one  office  but  four  years.  Having  digressed  from  the 
subject,  I  will  now  return  to  it  again. 


63 


I  will  here  mention  again  that  Lincoln  was  evident- 
ly powerless  to  do  ns  any  harm,  even  had  lie  been  de- 
sirous, for  the  following  reasons.  In  the  first  place  he 
had  rendered  himself  powerless  by  his  own  words.  lie 
would  first  have  had  to  have  eaten  them  before  he  could 
have  offered  us  any  harm  as  before  stated. 

In  the  seeond  place,  there  was  a.  majority  against  him 
in  both  branches  of  Congress  ;  so  he  could  not  have 
done  us  any  harm,  even  had  he  been  desirous  of  so  do- 
ing. 

And  in  the  third  place,  the  party  that  elected  him 
to  power  was  fast  deserting  him  and  joining  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  So  there  was  no  probability  of  one  of  his 
party  being  elected  to  the  Presidency  soon  again,  if 
ever. 

Why  then  so  hasty  to  secede  ?  Why  not  have  waited 
and  tried  the  man  until  he  had  at  least  done  some  un- 
constitutional act?  Then  would  have  been  time  enough 
to  have  acted. 

The  truth  of  it  is,  we  enjoyed  a  surfeit  of  Liberty  and 
did  not  know  its  priceless  value  until  we  had  experi- 
enced some  reverses. 

A  man  in  health  is  not  apt  to  appreciate  it  fully  un- 
til he  comes  to  a  bed  of  affliction.  He  can  then  look 
back  and  see  what  a  great  blessing  health  is.  So  our 
people  do  not  or  have  not  in  my  opinion  fully  appre- 
ciated a  good  government  until  they  had  torn  it  up  and 
experienced  some,  of  the  reverses  of  a  civil  war. 

The  Southern  States  being  so  hasty  to  secede  and 
particularly  South  Carolina  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  story 
that  I  have  frequently  heard  an  old  gentleman  relate 
which  he  says  took  place  in  his  young  days.  For  the 
benefit  of  my  readers,  I  will  give  this  story  entire,  and 
hi  his  own  language  as  near'as  I  can.     So  here  <rocs: 


64 

Once  upon  a  time,  says  ho,  there  came  a  young  man 
from 'the  adjoining  neighborhood  and  put  up  for  the 
night.  It  was  Saturday  night  I  believe.  This  young 
man  was  about  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  old-— an  age 
at  which  inexperienced  youths  generally  think  they 
know  more  than  any  one  else.  There  were  several 
young  men  in  the  family,  some  older  and  some  younger 
than  this  young  man :  I  having  now  forgotten  his  name 
will  denominate  it  Charley  Foolhardy.  That  night 
'the  conversation  turned  on  swimming.  Charley  ex- 
pressed great  fondness  for  the  exercise,  and  he  could 
just  beat  any  body  out.  He  talked  of  it  incessantly, 
and  when  he  went  to  bed  he  was  still  talking  about  it. 
Before  laying  down  there  was  an  agreement  made  be- 
tween the  boys  to  go  a  swmming  next  morning.  Next 
morning  good  and  soon  Charley  was  up  and  wanted  to 
be  off  to  the  river  to  take  the  delightful  swimming 
which  had  been  so  much  on  his  mind.  Persuading  to 
remain  until  after  breakfast,  had  no  effect.  So  at  last 
nothing  else  doing  he  in  company  with  the  balance  of 
the  young  men  put  off  for  the  river,  which  was  about 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant.  Charley  was  so  anxious  to 
to  get  into  the  water  that  he  could  not  wait  until  he 
got  to  the  river  to  divest  himself  .of  his  clothing,  but 
commenced  pulling  off  as  he  went.  He  pulled  off  his 
coat  and  laid  it  d.own  here  ;  a  little  farther  he  laid 
down  his  vest ;  a  little  farther  still  his  pants  and  so  on. 
Before  he  had  got  to  the  river  he  was  stripped  off  ready, 
and  so  taking  a  running  start  he  pitched  into  the  water 
as  far  as  he  could — over  his  head  the  first  pass.  Instead 
of  being  an  expert  swimmer  it  was  soon  discovered  that 
he  could  not  swim  anyat  all,  and  being  in  the  act  of 
drowning,  his  comrades — scarcely  having  time  to  pull  off 
their  shoes,  had  to  jump  in  with  their  clothes  all  on  to 


$5 


rescue  Charley  from  a  watery  grave.  Though  pretty 
badly  strangled,  he  was  soon  restored  as  good  as  ever, 
and  had  also  learned  a  practical  lesson  that  he  could 
not  probably  have  learned  so  well  in  any  other  way — 
that  he  could  not  swim  as  easily  as  he  imagined.  And 
so  I  presume  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  henceforth 
he  would  not  venture  again  into  deep  and  unknown 
waters  until  he  had  first  learnt  how,  and  knew  that  he 
could  swim,  but  would  remain  on  his  natural  element, 
land,  where  he  could  travel  with  safety. 

I  wish  to  apply  the  above  to  the  state  or  states  that 
first  seceded.  In  fact  it  may  now  be  applied  to  all  the 
states  that  have  seceded  first  and  last,  but  most  parti- 
cularly to  South  Carolina.  She  appeared  to  think  that 
secession  was  all  that  was  lacking  and  not  only  refused 
to  wait  and  act  in  concert  with  the  ballance  of  the 
Southern  States,  but  actually  rejected  the  counsel  and 
advice  of  some  of  her  older  and  more  experienced  sis- 
ters, and  pitched  right  into  secession  whether  or  not. 
I  think  those  that  were  so  anxious  for  secession,  after 
trying  it  over  twelve  months,  have  doubtless  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  they  can't  do  much  more  with  it 
than  Charley  could  at  swimming,  and, that  they  need 
help  to  extricate  themselves  from  their  present  difficul- 
ties as  badly  as  did  Charley.  It  /s  evident  that  had 
not  other  states  have  pitched  in,  that  South  Carolina 
would  have  been  drowned  ere  this,  and  particularly  if 
this  element  had  have  raged  with  the  same  fury  that  it 
has  since  done.  But  by  the  '"balance  pitching  in  they 
have  been  enabled  with  much 'a  do,  to  keep  their  heads 
above  water.  "Whether  they  will  eventually  drown  or 
arise  and  come  forth  from  this  new  element  remains 
yet  to  be  told.  I  will  have  occasion  to  refer  again  to 
this  similitude  before  I  get  through  the  book,  but  will 
prop  it  for  the  present, 


66 

CHAPTER  XI. 

OUR    GOVERNMENT   AS    COMPARED    WITH 
OTHERS. 

Our  government,  though  defective  was  probably  the 
best  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  Our  people  seemed  to 
have  been  unconscious  of  this.  The  truth  of  it  is  we 
enjoyed  a  surfeit  of  Liberty,  and  did  not  know  its 
priceless  value  until  we  had  torn  up  our  government 
and  experienced  some  of  the  reverses  of  a  civil  war,  as 
before  stated. 

A  man  in  health  is  not  apt  to  appreciate  it  fully,  but 
let  him  come  to  a  bed  of  affliction,  he  can  then  look 
back  and  see  what  a  great  blessing  health  is.  So  our 
people  do  not  or  have  not  in  my  opinion,  fully  appre- 
ciated a  good  government  until  they  had  torn  it  up  and 
brought  an  untold  amount  of  trouble  upon  themselves. 

A  good  government  may  be  compared  to  the  atmos- 
phere around  us,  which  we  breathe.  Its  benefits  are 
so  silent  and  unseen,  that  they  are  seldom  thought  of 
or  appreciated.  We  seldom  think  of  the  single  ele- 
ment of  oxwgen  in  the  air  we  breathe,  and  yet  let  this 
simple  and  unfelt  agent  be  withdrawn,  this  life  giving 
element  be  taken  afway  from  this  all  pervading  fluid, 
and  what  instant  and  appalling  effects  would  instantly 
take  place  throughout  all  organic  creation. 

As  before  remarked,  one  in  health  is  not  apt  fully  to 
appreciate  it.  And  a  very  singular  thing  is,  that  one 
is  not  apt  to  do  anything  to  destroy  health  or  body  on- 
ly when  in  health.  I  presume  you  never  knew  nor 
heard  of  any  one  committing  suicide  only  when  in  per- 
fect health.  It  wquld  seem  that  one  under  heavy  afflic- 
tions, such  as  a  painful  cancer,  would  be  more  apt  to 
commit  suicide — but  it  is  to  the  reverse. 


67 


u  So  much  so  that  in  latter  stages; 

"When  pains  grow  sharp  and  sicklies  rages, 

The  greatest  love  of  life  appears." 

Even  so  with  onr  country.  Had.  we  have  been  en- 
gaged in  a  Avar  with  some  foreign  power,  or  have  been 
in  some  other  difficulty,  so  as  to  have  had  onr  energies 

taxed  to  the  utmost  to  have  kept  along,  the  causes  that 
led  to  secession,  and  from  that  to  this  war,  I  don't  sup- 
pose would  have  been  noticed,  or  thought  of  itself  as 
being  anything  serious. 

The  spelling  book,  I  think  somewhere  says  to  the 
effect,  "thai  the  mind  unimployed  seeks  for  diversions." 
We  must  then,  it  seems,  have  kicked  up  a  big  dust  out 
of  quite  a  trivial  matter,  merely  for  lack  of  other,  and 
I  may  say  better  employment.  I  therefore  look  upon 
it  that  our  government  in  the  midst  of  her  onward  march 
to  national  honor,  prosperity ' and  greatness  has  com- 
mitted a  national  suicide.  It  is  true  the  old  gentleman, 
Uncle  Sam.  is  not  yet  quite  dca.d,  but  he  is  terribly  cut 
up,  and  will  bear  the  sears  of  his  wounds  for  many  a 
day,  even  shoul  1  he  be  so  fortunate  as  to  get  over  it. 
"Whether  or  not  the  old  gentleman  will  recover,  we 
now  can't  tell.  The  disease  though  is  a  fearful  one. 
Several  great  and  distinguished  personages  (Greece, 
Ivonu1.  &c.)  have  before  died  of  the  same  disease,  and 
strange  to  say  the  very  same  remedies  that  killed  off  those 
distinguished  personages  are  now  being  busily  applied  to 
the  old  gentleman  with  the  expectation  of  healing  him, 
and  in  the  face  of  all  this  he  is  growing  a  little  worse 
every  day,  Let  us  hopo  that  his  ease  will  soon  be  care- 
fully studied,  and  the  proper  antiphlogistic  remedies  (op- 
I  to  preternatural  heat,)  be  applied  before  it  b^ 
everlastingly  too  late, 


68 


The  causes  for  which  we  seceded  were  I  think  mostly 
imaginary.  Our  government  like  new  cider  was  fast 
working  off  its  impurities  as  has  already  been  shown. 
Things  in  all  probability  would  soon  have  wound  up 
peacably  had  the  Southern  states  remained  in  the  Union 
a  little  while  until  the  storm  had  blown  over. 

In  1850,  South  Carolina  was  desirous  of  seceding 
and  going  immediately  out  of  the  Union  as  hasalready 
been  stated.  Since  that  time  the  united  States  have 
grown  in  wealth  and  power  without  a  paralell  I  pre- 
sume in  history,  even  from  the  creation  of  the  world 
down  to  the  present  time.  The  material  wealth  of  many 
of  the  states  have  been  nearly  or  quite  doubled  in  that 
time. 

The  United  States  with  a  mild  climate,  fertile  soil  and 
an  abundance  of  territory  were  destined  it  seemed  but  for 
these  sectional  troubles,  soon  to  have  taken  the  front 
rank  among  the  nations  of  the  globe.  Already  we  were 
the  second  in  a  naval  point  of  view.  England  was  first 
having  I  believe  over  29,000  vessels.  We  were  next 
and  I  believe  had  over  21,000. 

Is  there  any  evidence  that  had  all  the  Southern  states 
have  seceded  at  that  time  (1850)  that  we  should  thus 
have  grown  in  wealth,  power  and  greatness  ?  We  might 
and  we  might  not.  Itis  atthe  least  problematical.  Let  us 
not  throw  away  a  certainty  for  an  uncertainty.  A  bird 
in  the  hand  is  worth  two  in  the  bush.  This  rapid  growth 
in  wealth,  power  and  greatness  was  doubtless  owing 
to  our  institutions  and  system  offree  government  under 
which  we  lived,  and  when  we  break  them  up  we  don't 
know  where  the  thing  will  end.  We  may  get  it  better 
or  we  may  get  it  worse,  we  can't  tell. 

Some  may  perhaps  argue  that  we  are  all  that  we  are, 
or  were  rather  at  the  beginning  of  these  sectional  trou- 


69 

blcs,  in  spite  of  the  general  government.  But  I  think 
it  far  more  probable,  considering  our  short  existence 
as  a  nation,  that  we  would  never  have  attained  to  that 
unrivalccd  degree  of  National  honor,  prosperity  and 
greatnss,  and  from  which  we  are  now  so  fast  waning,  bnt 
for  our  civil  moral  and  religious  institutions. 

It  is  true,  there  is  perhaps  no  equal  part  of  the  earth 
with  natural  recources  superior  to  ours.  But  how  many 
ages  and  centuries  passed  Before  these  capacities  were 
developed  to  reach  this  advanced  stage  of  civilization. 
These  same  hills  rich  in  ore,  same  rivers  glittering 
with  golden  sands,  these  same  valleys  and  plains,  that 
for  fertility  and  beauty,  would  have  compared  favorably 
with  the  most  beautiful  of  oriental  splendor,  were  as 
they  had  been  ever  since  they  came  from  the  hand  of 
the  Creator.  Uneducated  and  uncivilized  man  had 
roamed  over  them  for  how  long  no  history  informs  us. 
It  was  only  under  our  institutions  that  they  could  be 
developed.  Their  development  is  the  result  of  the 
enterprise  and  indomitable  energy  of  our  people,  under 
the  operation  of  the  government  and  institutions  under 
which  we  have  lived.  Our  people  without  these,  in  my 
opinion,  could  never  have  done  it.  The  organization 
or  institutions  of  a  peoplejiave  much  to  do  with  the 
development  of  the  natural  resources  of  any  land 
or  any  Country.  The  institutions  of  a  country  political, 
moral  and  religious,  are  the  matrix  in  which  the  germ 
of  their  organic  stricture  quickens  into  life,  takes  root 
and  develops  in  form,  nature  and  character.  Our  in- 
stitutions constitute  the  basis,  the  matrix  from  which 
have  sprung  all  our  characteristics  of  development  and 
greatness. 

But  destroy  our  institutions  and  we  thus  take  the  first 
step  towards  degredation  and  ruin.  Yea  we  would 
fall  probably  never  to  rise  again. 


70 


To  show  the  comparative  growth  of  the  United  States, 
I  will  select  here  for  a  parallel  the  Spanish  American 
Hep  ub  lies. 

Population  of  the  United.  States  in  1809  was  6,000,000 

"  "  "  1859,        30,000,000 

Spanish   American  Republics,  in  1809,         16,000,000 

"  "  "  1859,         19,000,000 

Value  of  exports  from  the  U.  S.      1809,       $52,000,000 

«  "  "  1859,     $300,000,000 

Spanish  American  republics  1859,       $85,000,000 

To  prove  the  condition  of  these  countries  and  to  find 
out  what  has  always  kept  them  at  this  low  ebb,  let  us 
cite  an  impartial  witness. 

A  writer  in  the  North  British  Review,  speaking  of 
Uruguay,  says: 

The  pastoral  resources  are  very  great,  but  civil  war 
and  misrule  have  seriously  retarded  their  development. 

Of  Chili,  he  says :  its  prosperity  would  go  on  advan- 
cing were  all  the  obstacles  to  emigration  removed,  and 
the  internal  peace  of  the  country  thoroughly  established. 

And  of  the  Argentine  Confederation,  he  says : 

It  is  painful  to  see  how  so  magnificent  a  countiy  has 
been  misgoverned.  Either  embroiled  with  neighbor- 
ing Republics,  or  disturbed  by  intestine  feuds,  this  vast 
country  has  scarcely  begun  to  develop  her  resources. 
By  the  foregoing  wo  see  that  much  of  the  prosperity  of 
a  country  depends  on  its  government  and  its  institu- 
tutions.  The  natural  resources  of  these  countries  are 
probably  as  great  if  not  greater  than  ours,  but  owing  to 
bad  government  and  misrule,  the  vast  resources  of  these 
countries  have  never  been  developed  and  probably 
never  will  be,  unless  there  be  a  change  in  government. 

We  can  probably  learn  a  lesson  from  some  of  the 
countries  of  Europe.     Let  us  see. 


71 


We  will  first  look  at  Grcce.  There  is  the  same  fertile 
soil,  the  same  blue  sky,  the  same  inlets  and  harbors, 
the  same  ^Egean,  the  same  Olympus  ;  there  is  the  same 
land  where  Homer  sung,  where  Pericles  spoke  ;  it  is  in 
nature  the  same  old  Greece,  but  it  is  living  Greece  no 
more.  Descendants  of  the  same  people  inhabit  the  land, 
yet  what  is  the  reason  of  this  mighty  difference.  In  the 
midst  of  present  degradation  we  see  the  glorious  frag- 
ments of  ancient  works  of  art.  Temples  with  ornam- 
ments  and  inscriptions  that  excite  wonder  and  admira- 
tion, the  remains  of  a  once  high  order  of  civilization  that 
lias  outlived  the  language  they  spoke.  Upon  them  all 
lchabod  is  writen.  Theirglory  has  departed.  This  is  but 
the  fruits  of  their  forms  of  government.  Why  is  this 
so?  I  answer  their  institutions  have  been  destroyed. 
They  were  the  matrix  from  which  their  grand  develop- 
ment sprung,  and  subsequently  nourished  them  into 
opulence  and  power.  But  when  they  were  destroyed, 
see  how  soon  their  once  happy  country  fell  into  irrevo- 
cable misery  and  ruin.  And  if  our  institutions  here  be 
destroyed,  there  is  in  all  probability  no  Herculean  pow- 
erthat  can  bring  back  the  life  givingspark  to  kindle  them 
into  existence  again  any  more  than  in  that  ancient  land 
of  eloquence,  poetry  and  song. 

The  same  may  he  said  of  Italy. 

Where  is  lionio,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world? 
There  arc  the  same  seven  hills  now,  the  same  soil,  the 
same  natural  resources,  but  what  a  ruin  of  human 
greatness  meets  the  eye  of  the  traveller  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  that  most  down  trodden  land. 
Why  have  not  the  people  of  that  heaven-favored  clime 
the  spirit  that  animated  their  fathers?  "Why  this  sad 
change'.''  lanswer,  it  is  the  destruction  of  her  institutions 
that  has  caused  it. 


And  now  my  countrymen,  we  are  about  pulling 
down  and  destroying  those  institutions  under  which  we 
have  grown  so  great,  and  which  the  patriotic  band  of 
of  our  fathers  labored  so  long  and  so  hard  to  build  up, 
and  which  have  done  so  much  for  us  and  for  the  world. 

And  should  this  war  and  sectional  troubles  continue 
any  length  of  time,  and  a  complete  overthrow  of  our 
institutions  take  place,  who  is  it  that  can  venture  the 
prediction  1hat  similar  results  will  not  follow  here  that 
there  did  in  those  deluded  ill  fated  countries.  I  hope 
the  spirit  is  yet  among  our  people  that  will  enable  us 
to  avert  such  a  direful  calamity. 

CHAPTER  XII. 
FURTHER  COMPARISON 

Our  great  prosperity  in  a  national  point  of  view  was 
doubtless  owing  to  our  institutions  and  system  of  free- 
government.  And  as  we  were  making  those  rapid 
strides,  destined  soon  it  seems,  but  for  these  sectional 
troubles,  to  have  taken  the  front  rank  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  globe,  how  much  faster  did  we  want  to  go? 

It  is  true  our  government  though  good,  bad  some 
defects  in  it.  It  was  with  these  defects  probably  the 
best  government  on  the  globe.  Nothing  of  human 
origin  is  perfect.  But  should  we  not  have  stuck  the 
closer  to  our  country  in  her  trials,  and  have  labored  to 
have  remedied  these  defects,  and  not  because  a  man, 
whom  some  of  us  did  not  like,  was  elected  to  the  Pre- 
sidency, have  deserted  the  government  and  left  all  in 
the  hands  of  the  Northern  people  ?  I  think  we  should. 
We  have  as  good  a  right,  I  think  to  the  government  as 
the  North  has,  and  I  think  instead  of  abandoning  it  and 


leaving-  all  in  their  hands  that  it  was  the  time  for  us  to 
have  stuck  the  closer  to  the  government.  Lincoln  had 
Bwornto  preserve. protect  and  defend  the  constitution  and 
if  he  had  have  failed  to  "have  done  so,  it  was,  I  think,  our 
duty  to  have  exercised  our  constitutional  power  over 
him  and  have  compelled  him  to  have  done  so. 

The  United  States  before  secession  were  esteemed 
and  respected  abroad,  and  a  vessel  or  an  individual  had 
but  to  hail  from  the  United  States  to   have  the  hio-hest 

O 

respect  and  honor  shown  them.  But  how  is  it  now  ? 
We  arc  doubtless  looked  upon  by  the  Europeou  Nations 
with  shame  and  disgust  for  this  disgraceful  war  that 
we  are  now  in.  Brother  against  Brother,  Father 
against  Son,  and  Son  against  Father  I  may  say.  Such 
a  war  would  be  a  disgrace  to  a  savage  nation,  let  alone 
to  a  people  claiming  in  the  highest  degree  to  be  enligh- 
tened. 

Our  march  was  ouward  and  upward  and,  but  for 
these  sectional  troubles,  we  bid  fair  soon  to  have  taken 
the  front  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  globe,  as  before 
stated.  We  had  an  abundance  ofterritory  of  unsurpassed 
fertility,  a  mild,  salubrious  climaie  and  every  facility  for 
making  us  a  great,  happy  and  prosperous  nation. 
The  whole  area  of  the  United  States 

embraced  2,936,166  sq.  m'ls. 

Of  this  tfeere  were  in  the  free  states       612,957       *c 
"     "       "         "       "     "  slave     "  851,508       " 

"  "  "  "  "  "  territories,  1,172,001  " 
This  immense  tract  of  country  is  more  than  twenty  - 
iive  times  as  large  as  England,  Wales,  Scotland  and 
Ireland  all  put  together.  The  single  state  of  Texas 
contains  territory  enough  to  make  two  such  countries 
as  would  be  composed  jointly  of  these  four,  and  there 
would  then  be  enough  kit  to  make  a  State  as  large  as 
4 


74 


Virginia,  another  as  large  as  New  Jersey  and  there  would 
yet  be  some  left. 

The  joint  population  of  these  four  countries  is  26, 
123,400  which  is  a  fraction  over  225  to  the  square  mile. 
"Were  the  whole  United  States  settled  that  thickly  in- 
stead of  a  population  of  30,000,000  we  should  have  one 
of  over  662,000,000.  Or  were  they  settled  as  thickly  as 
Belgium,  which  I  believe  is  the  most  densely  populated 
country  on  the  globe,  326  to  the  square  mile,  instead  of 
having  a  population  of  30,000,000  we  would  have 
one  of  over  957,000,000.  By  these  figures  we  may  see 
that  the  United  States  had  only  made  a  beginning  to- 
wards developing  her  vast  resources. 

The  area  of  the  Territories  is  considerably  over  twelve 
times  as  large  as  those  four  countries  taken  together, 
and  yet  upon  all  this  immense  track  of  country  there 
is  only  92,298  inhabitants  if  we  except  the  Indians,  or 
which  is  about  one  inhabitant  for  every  sixteen   square 
miles.     There  is  much  of  this  land  very  fertile,  some  of 
which,  I  have  understood,  will  produce  as  much  as  forty 
bushels  of  wheat  per  acre,  and  yet  it  remains  there  idle 
and  uncultivated,  we  having  more  than  we  can  occupy. 
These  lands  for  a  few  years  past  have   been    settling 
up  very  fast.     Before  this  war  commenced  about  500,- 
000  emigrants  came  annually  from  Europe,  a  large  por- 
tion of  which  settled  in  these  Territories. 

Some  years  ago  Congress  passed  an  act  giving  large 
amounts  of  these  lands  as  bounties  to  the  soldiers  of 
the  war  of  1812  and  Mexican  Avar.  About  the  time 
these  lands  were  being  taken  up  by  these  soldiers,  I 
made  a  calculation  to  see  how  long  it  would  take  at  that 
rate  to  take  them  all  up,  and  I  found  that  it  would  take 
a  little  over  two  hundred  years.  So  under  ordinary 
circumstances  it  will,  I  presume,  take  considerably  over 


two  hundred  years  to  take  them  all  up,  and  even  then 
they  would  be  but  thinly  settled.  From  this  you  can 
draw  some  Idea  of  the  vast  extent  of  the  old  United 
State.:. 

The  means  of  transportation  were  generally  lacking 
for  developing  this  immense  section  of  the  west,  and 
so  in  January  1861,  Congress,  I  believe,  passed  a  bill 
for  two  railroads  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  as  follows: 
■  Northern  Route,  Northern  prongto  startfrom  the 
Iowa  bolder.  Southern  prQ ng  to  start  from  a  pointon 
the  Mi  isouri  border,  they  were  to  come  together  in 
running  ab, mi  two  hundred  miles,  arid  were  to  run 
thence  for  Sanfrarici 

Southern  Route.— Northern  prong  to  start  from  fort, 
Smith  in  Arkansas;  Southern  prong  from  a  point  oa 
the  western  border  of  Louisiauna,  They  too,  I  believe 
were  to  unite  in  running  about  two  hundred  miles,  and 
were  to  run  thence  l\u-  Sanfran'ciseo.  The  roads  were 
to  be  linished  in  fifteen  years.  These  loads  finished 
would  have  tended  much  towards  developing  this  im- 
mense section,  and  bringing  these  lands  into  market. 
The  CJnited  States  had  but  to  speak  a  thing,  as  itwere, 
and  it  tvas  done.  Can  we  east  our  eye  into  the  future 
and  see  what  the  United  States  were  destined  to  have 
been  two  or  three  hundred  years  hence,  all  things  work- 
ing together  well. 

But  if  the  Iwo  sections  succeed  in  getting  apart,  is 
there  any  certainty  of  these  Paeitie  railroads  ever  being 
built.  Or  should  they  succeed  in  getting  apart  is  there 
any  certainty  that  we  will  have  but  two  Confederacies. 
The  two  sections  are  now  held  together  by  this  war,  so 
that  there  is  now  no  time  for  subdividing,  &c,  but  let 
p  sace  be  made  and  mind  you  if  there  do  not  other  ques- 
tions arise    that  will    result    in    divisions.     Some    will 


70 


want  free  trade,  others  a  high  tariff;  sonic  will  be  for 
importing  wild  Africans,  otners  will  oppose  it,  and 
some  will  he  for  this  thing,  and  some  for  that.  And 
there  are  the  Territories  too  that  will  probably  be  a 
fruitful  source  for  dissensions.  Lcfus  therefore  if  pos- 
sible avoid  these  divisions  by  sticking  together  and 
laboring  to  remedy  the  defects  in  our  government. 

To  prove  that  it  is  dangerous  thus  to  split  up  and 
divide,  I  refer  the  reader  to  Germany.  After  a  thou- 
sand years  of  destructive  civil  wars,  did  she  come  out 
with  only  two  or  three  Confederacies?  I^o.  She  count- 
ed upwards  of  three  hundred  distinct  and  independent 
principalities,  each  one  liable  to  be  conquered  by  the 
nearest  despotic  government  that  saw  proper  to  do  so. 
And  if  this  war  should  continue  for  any  length  of  time 
have  we  any  assurance  that  these  United  States  will  not 
eventually  be  split  up  into  as  many  separate  divisions 
as  was  Germany.  For  we  have  a  Territory  a  good  ma- 
ny times  as  large  as  Germany,  and  can  therefore  better 
afford  such  a  split.  I  will  here  remark  that  I  examined 
my  map  in  order  to  tell  how  many  times  larger  the 
United  States  are  than  Germany.  But  I  found  the 
country  split  up  into  so  many  small  divisions,  the  sizes 
of  many  of  which  were  not  given,  so  that  I  was  not 
able  to  make  the  calculation.  We  must  therefore  con- 
tent ourselves  by  saying  that  the  United  States  are  a 
great  many  times  as  large  as  Germany.  But  should 
the  United  States  be  eventually  divided  into  that  many 
separate  divisions  who  is  it  that  does  not  say  in  that 
event,  the  country  would  be  ruined.  There  would  then 
in  all  probabilit}-  be  no  more  rail  roads  built.  Those 
Pacific  rail  roads  would  probably  never  be  built  and 
therefore  much  of  our  western  territory  lie  unoccupied 
and  undeveloped   for   ages  to   come.     Each   military 


77 

chieftain  would  probably  start  and  head  a  taction.     In- 
ternal strifes  would  be  common,  and  probably  the  peo- 
pje  here  among  us,  at  no  distant  day,  get  to  cutting  oft' 
eac'b  others  heads.     The  cultivation  of  the  soil  would 
be  neglected ;  because  the  people  would  know  that  if 
they  made  .any  thing,  bands  of  robbers  would -probably 
take  it  away  from  them.     Bands  of  such   men  would 
probably  be  roving  'hrough  the  country  for  plunder. 
No  regard  wh ate ver  w o it  1  d  be  had  for  h u man  1  i fe .     An d 
under  these  circumstances,  desolation  and  ruin  would 
soon  over  spread  the?  Jand.     It  seems   impossible   that 
such  should  befall  oar  once  happy  country,  but  time, 
the  sword  and  internal  dissensions  will  certainly  accom- 
plish the  thing  if  the  three  hang  together  long  enough* 
Destroy  our  civil  institutions  and  let  all  slip   into   the 
hands  of  the  military  and  we  will  soon  sec  where   it 
will  end.     We  have  the  examples  of  Greece,  Rome,  the 
Spanish  American  Republics,  Mexico  and   others   to 
slook  at,  and  when  we  are  following  exactly  in  the  same 
footsteps;  wL.at  better  can  we  ]iope  for  if  we  thus  keep 
on  ?     They  were  by  nature  as  wise  and  intelligent  pro- 
bably as  we  are.     But  they  destroyed  their  civil   and 
moral  institutions,  and  as  a  consequence  fell  into  a  state 
of  anarchy  and  ruin,  from  which  it   seems  they   can 
never  take  a  rise.     Let  us  then  change  our  course   ere 
we  fall  into  the   same   deplorable   condition,  and  the 
canker  worm,  dissension,  sap  our  institutions  to  the  very 
foundation. 


78 

CHAPTER  XIII, 
PLAN  OF  ADJUSTMENT 

I  will  now  end  this  important  subject  after  first  giv- 
ing ray  opinion  as  to  what  I  think  we  had  best  do  un- 
der these  trying  times.  I  am  under  the  solemn  convic- 
tion my  countrymen,  for  the  reasons  already  given,  and 
for  reasons  that  I  will  hereafter  give,  that  the  best  thing 
we  can  do  under  the  circumstances — the  best  for  our- 
selves, for  our  country,  and  for  the  rising  generation, 
is  to  go  back  into  the  Union,  under  the  old  stars  and 
stripes,  and  there  labor  for  a  reconstruction  of  the  gov- 
ernment upon  a  basis  such  as  shall  be  as  endurable  as 
time  itself.  Let  us  not  in  a  rash  and  evil  hour  throw 
away  that  that  cost  our  forefathers  so  much,  and  for 
which  they  labored  so  long  and  so  hard  to  build  up. 
Let  us  therefore  cast  aside  the  acts  of  the  past,  and  if 
possible  join  together,  the  Worth  and  the  South,  as  er- 
ring brothers  in  reconstructing  this  great  and  powerful 
country,  I  think  it  will  be  to  our  interest  so  to  do,  both 
for  ourselves  and  for  posterity,  for  time  and  for  eter- 
nity. Le  us  try  the  thing  once  more  together,  and 
should  time  prove  that  we  can't  live  well  together,  let 
us  then  call  a  convention  and  separate  peaceably,  there 
is  no  need  of  having  fighting  about  it. 

If  we,  the  people  of  the  North  and  South,  separate  by 
force  of  arms,  we  may  expect  frequently  to  have  con- 
tentions that  will  probably  result  in  wars.  If  they  took 
our  servants  when  at  peace,  what  will  they  do  when  the 
sections  become  hostile,  or  rather  have  a  lasting  hostil- 
ity towards  each  other?  Take  still  more  and  give  up 
none  will  be  about  the  way  of  it.  The  extieme  South- 
ern States  would  lose  but  very  few  if  any  by  it,  but  the 


79 


border  Slave  States  all.     The  border  States  would  thus 
be  acting  as  a  shield  and  buckler  to  the  more  Southern. 

This  reminds  me  of  a  circumstance  that  took  place  with 

Captain  John  Smith  in  the  early  settlement  of  Virginia. 
Whilst  out.  hunting  upon  a  certain  occasion  Smith 
Was  assailed  by  a  party  oi'  two  hundred  Indians,  who 
poured  upon  him  a.  continual  flight  of  arrows.  He 
seizing  one  of  the  assailants,  tied  Kim  with  his  garter  to 
his  arm  and  thus  used  him  as  a  shield  to  arrest  the  darts 
of  the  enemy.  In  tliis  way  the  border  slave  States  have 
acted  and  will  probably  continue  to  act  as  a  shield  to 
the  more  Southern,  and  it  was  thus  being  situated  I 
presume  that  caused  them  to  be  so  fearless  of  the  result 
of  secession.  deuce  their  great  desire  to  embark  into  it. 
They  knew  that  they  had  some  one  between  them  and 
the  lire  as  it  were.  It  seems  that  they  embarked  into 
"this  secession  move  and  from  that  to  the  war  without 
counting  the  cost.  People  commencing  such  a  work 
as  this  should,  I  think  always  count  the  cost  to  see 
whether  or  not  it  will  pay,  and  if  they  have  sufficient 
means  to  finish.     As  the  Scriptures  somewhere  say. 

"For  which  of  you  intendinding  to  build  a  tower  siteth 
not  down  first  ami  counteth  the  cost  whether  he  have 
sufficient  to  finish,  lest  happily  after  he  hath  laid  the 
foundation  and  is  not  able  to  finish,  all  that  behold 
it  begin  to  mock  him  saying,  this  man  began  to  build 
and  was  not  able  to  finsh."  So  of  secession.  Those 
states  that  were  so  desirous  of  seceding  before  doimj  so 
should  I  think,  first  have  had  the  best  mathemati- 
cians of  the  day  engaged  for  weeks  calculating  to  sec 
whether  or  not  such  a  course  would  pay. 

All  I  think  will  now  doubtless  admit,  that  thus  far  we 
have  lost  a  great  deal  more  by  secession  and  the  war 
than  we  have  gained  by  them,  and  there  is  aprobabiiity 


so 


if  this  war  continue  any  length  of  time  of  still  losing  a 
great  deaf  more,  both  in  property  and  lives,  making 
our  condition  a  great  deal  worse  than  what  it  now  is 
or  ever  has  been — irrevocably  bad. 

I  wish  here  to  introduce  our  young  friend  Charley  and 
finish  the  comparison  that  I  was  making  between  him 
and  the  seceded  states  when  we  last  dismissed  him. 

We  saw  that  he  was  in  water  in  which  he  could  not 
swim;  that  he  was  using  great  exertions  and  thereby 
exhausting  himself;  thathe  wasalso  in  the  act  of  drown- 
ing and  but  for  timely  aid,  and  a  restoration  to  his  natu- 
ral element,  land,  that  he  soon  would  have  drowned. 

So  with  these  states  that  have  seceded.  It  is  evident 
that  their  conditions  is  growing  worse  every  day.  But 
still  they  hang  on  to  this  watery  clement,  that  I  may  term 
it  into  which  they  have  plunged.  So  why  hang  on  in 
this  way  when  it  is  evident  that  we  will  drown  as  a  na- 
tion in  another  twelve  month,  unless  we  learn  this 
great  art — swimming — and  thus  cross  over  this  difficult 
stream,  unto  which  we  have  committed  ourselves.  And 
how  can  we  learn  when  there  are  persons  continually 
discharging  missiles  at  us  whilst  thus  in  the  water? 
They  are  willing  to  help  us  out,  but  because  we  won't 
consent  to  come  out  they  are  throwing  every  obsticable 
that  they  possibly  can  in  our  way  to  make  our  swimming 
still  more  difficult,  and  thus  force  us  to  come  out.  Now  I 
think  we  have  tried  it  in  this  new  element  long  enough 
to  find  out  that  we  can't  swim  whilst  this  other  party  is 
so  busily  engaged  discharging  missiles  at  us  and  using 
their  utmost  exertions  to  frustrate  our  designs,  and  are 
determined  it  seems,  if  possible,  either  to  destroy  us,  or 
Qompell  us  to  forsake  this  new  element.  I  therefore 
think  we  had  best  consent  to  go  out  on  ouii  natural 
element,  land,  and  try  it  there  again  once  more,  for  we 


have,  like  Charley,  exerted  ourselves  to  such  a  degree 
in  this  watery  clement,  that  P  now  have  ho  idea,  that  we 
could  walk  as  well  upon  laud  as  wo  did  be  lore,  even 
Were  we  now  upon  it.  A  half  loaf  though  is  better 
than  no  bread  andbettcr  in  ray  opinion  go-maimed  than 
not  go  at  all.  We  have  already  expended  much  treas- 
ure in  this  new  element  as  well  as  lost  many  valuable 
lives.  And  though  wo  can't  now  walk  so  well  upon 
1  md  as  we  could  before  embarking  in  this  now  clement 
the  probability  is,  that  by  some  rest  and  rubl dug  down 
and  anointing,  that  the  remainder  of  us  would  soon  get 
so  as  to  he  able  to  walk  pretty  tolerably  well.  Let  us 
therefore  go  out  and  stay  out  at  least  long  enough  to 
maker  an  agreement  with  this  other  party  that  should  j 
we  conclude  to  try  this  new  element  again,  that  they  < 
will  not  discharge  any  missiles  at  us  whilst  in  the  water,  o 
but  let  us  depart  in  peace.  o 

Under  all  these,  considerations,  I  think  it  will  be  best  ^ 
to  go  back  into  the  UnioWand  try  it  there  onee  more.  ^ 
If  we  could  use  any  means  to  get  those  large  armies  g 
disbanded  and  return  home,  it  would  then  I  presume,'  p 
be  hard  to  get  them  in  the  field  again,  both  the  North    a 

era 

and  the  South.  c 

This  generation  now  knows  something  of  war,  and  g 
if  they  ever  get  out  of  the  one  that  they  are  now  in,  £ 
they  will  I  presume  take  more  pains  in  the  future  to  « 
avoid  a  Avar.  -    c 

Notwithstanding  history  was  open  to  us  and  described 
the  many  hardships,  privations  and  sufferings  that  our 
forefathers  endured  to  achieve  our  liberties,  how  they 
even  marched  over  frozen  ground  barefooted,  and  left 
their  footprints  behind,  stained  with  blood  that  ran 
from  their  bleeding  feet,  yet  it  would  not  alldo  for  this 
generation.     They  had  to  learn  a  lesson    by    practical 


82 


experience:  Wars,  I  think  are  frequently  looked  on 
too  much  as  a  frolic.  Many  persons,  I  think,  and  par- 
ticularly inexperienced  youths,  frequently  draw  vivid 
hopes  of  earthly  honor  and  glory  to  be  won  on  a  battle 
field,  which  are  never  realized,  and  instead  thereof  they 
frequently  experience  hardships,  suffering  and  some- 
times death.  The  glory  that  one  can  win  on  a  battle 
field,  I  think,  rightly  considered,  is  of  but  short  duration. 
We  should  not  be  too  ready  to  go  to  war.     See  40. 

Do  you  suppose  our  forefathers,  had  they  have  been 
here^  would  have  disrupted  the  Union  for  the  causes 
that  existed  at  the  beginning  of  our  sectional  troubles? 
No  never,  never.  A  voice  from  our  dead  that  had  fall- 
en in  the  achievement pf  our  liberties,  and  who  now  lay 
mouldering  in  a  common  gravo,would  have  come  up  be- 
fore them  saying,  down  with  your  seisms  and  divisions. 
It  is  not  for  this  that  we  fought,  bled  and  died.  Keep 
united  and  you  will  be  a  great,  prosperous  and  happy 
people. 

Therefore,  I  think  we  had  best  go  back  into  the  old 

Union  and  try  it  there  under  the  stars  and  stripes  once 

more.     It  may  be  bad  if  we  go   back,  we  don't  doubt 

that  at  all.     In  all  probability  it  will  be  a  great  deal 

worse  with  us  for  many  years  to  come,  whether  we  go 

back  in  the  Union  or  not,  than  it  would  have  been  had 

we  not  seceded  ;  but  we  now  can't  help  this.     The  two 

evils  are  now  upon  us.     Some  people  it    seems    could 

not  be  satisfied  until  the}-  brought  them  upon  us,  and 

we  must  now  get  out  of  them   the   best  way  we  can. 

Though  it  be  bad  for  us  to  go  back  into  the  Union,  it 

may  still  be  a  great  deal  worse  for  us  not  to  go  back  ; 

so  of  the  two  evils,  let  us  choose  the  Jess.     "  How  lonsr 

-I 

halt  ye  between  two  opinions." 

Some  may  argue  that  it  will  not  do  to  go  back  in  the 


bo 


Union  ;  that  the  North  Will  make  us  pay  all  the  ex- 
penses. I  will  here  remark  that  I  consider  (me  human 
life  alone  worth  more  than  all  the  property  in  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States;  our  first  objeet  should 
therefore  be  to  save  human  life  as  much  as  possible.  I 
therefore  think  it  a.  bad  plan  to  estimate  the  value  of 
human  life  by  dollars  and  cents.  But  do  we  know  that 
the  North  would  thus  be  foroiir  paying  all  the  expense 
By  settling  the  difficulty  by  a  compromise  the  business 
may  probably  be  arranged  in  quite  a  different  Way — 
perhaps  by  each  party  paying  their  own  cost,  or  else  In- 
casting  both  debts  together  and  making  one  immense 
national  debt  of  the  two,  but  if  we  have  to  be  driven 
back,  I  then  don't  know  how  it  may  be.  I  therefore 
think  the  sooner  "a,  compromise  is  struck  for  the  better. 

We  have,  I  presume  public  lands. enough  in  the  Uni- 
ted States  if  sold  at  a  lair  value  to  nearly  or  quite  pay 
the  public  debt.  But  just  think  of  it,  should  our  lands 
even  pay  this  debt,  that  we  will  then  have  expended  in 
this  war  a.  sum  as  large,  as  a.  fertile  country  more  than 
twelve  times  as  large  as  Engfand,  "Wales,  Scotland  and 
Ireland  all  put  together,  will  sell  tor. 

AVu  have  public  lands  enough  in  the  territories  at  the 
low  price  of  two  dollars  per  acre  to  amount  to  the  as- 
tounding sum  ol  $1,884,238,080.  That  with  what  we 
have  in  the  State  of  Florida,  together  with  that  in  other 
new  States  would,  I  presume  swell  the  amouni  to  quite 
!O0y000,G 

There  is  much  of  these  lands  worth  instead  of  two 
dollars,  more  than  twenty  dollars  per  acre;  some  oi 
which  I  have  understood  will  produce  forty  bushels  of 
wheat,  per  acre. 

How  then  will  we  e  any  of  these  lands  or  the 

proceeds  itsclfunlcis  wc  go  back  into  the  Union  ?     The 


84 

North  being  vastly  superior  as  to  numbers  we  would 
stand  but  a  bad  chance  to  undertake  to  fight  them  out 
of  them. 

Although  the  people  at  the  North  have  said  and  done 
a  great  deal  to  keep  slavery  out  of  the  Territories,  they 
had  not  as  yet  I  believe,  done  any  thing  to  keep  us  from 
receiving  our  distributive  share  of  the  proceeds  arising 
from  the  sale  of  these  lands.  We  will  say  that  wtc  were 
likely  not  to  get  our  rights  in  the  Territories,  that  is, 
not  permitted  to  carry  our  servants  there  and  settle,  we 
got  our  distributive  share  of  the  money  arising  from  the 
sale  of  these  lands,  and  as  for  territory  we  already  had 
enough  of  that  to  do  ourselves  and  servants  too  for 
many  generations  to  come ;  yes  we  will  say  for  thou- 
sands of  years  to  come.  Then  why  be  so  ready  to  cre- 
ate a  disturbance  about  that  that  we  can  never  enjoy. 
But  I  am  not  for  thus  easily  surrendering  our  rights  to 
these  lands.  I  think  a  -fair  way  to  divide  these  lands 
would  be  to  do  so  according  to  the  ratio  of  population 
between  the  North  and  the  South  and  according  to  the 
area  of  laud  now  embraced  in  each  section.  In  order 
that  I  may  be  understood  I  will  endeavor  to  make  this 
some  plainer.  We  will  put  down  the  population  ol'the 
Nort  at  20,000,000  ;  that  of  the  South  at  10,000,000. 
The  area  of  the  Northern  States  embrace  612,597  square 
miles,  or  392,062,080  acres.  This  divided  by  20,000,- 
000,  will  give  nearly  twenty  acres  to  each  inhabitant  at 
the  North] 

The  area  of  the  Southern  States  embrace  851,508 
square  miles,  or  511,965,120  acres.  This  divided  by 
10,000,000  will  give  a  little  over  fifty-four  acres  to  each 
inhabitant  at  the  South.  So  before  dividing  the  Terri- 
tories the  North  should,  I  think  be  made  up,  or  have 
thirty-four  acres  thrown  in  to  each  inhabitant,  so  as  to 


make  her  count  fifty-foiir  acres  of  land  to  each  inhabi- 
Yitit.  Then  divide  the  l)alance  according  to  popula- 
tion, which  would  be  to  give  the  !NTorth  two  acres  and 
the  South  one.  Let  us  see  how  this  calculation  will 
figure.  20,000,000  people  to  have  each  thirty- four  acres 
of  land,  to  make  them  equal  to  the  South,  will  amount 
to  686,000,00.0  acres,  or  1,002,500  square  miles,  this 
amount  taken  from  1,492,061  square  miles— what  is 
embraced  in  the  Territories,  will  leave  409,561  square 
miles  to  be  divided  between  the  Xorth  and  the  South. 
One  third  of  this  is  136,520  square  miles— the  portion 
of  the  South— nearly  three  times  as  large  as  Xorth  Car- 
olina. If  we  could  get  a  country  of  that  size  out  of  the 
Territories  to  carry  our  servants  to  and  settle,  or  in 
other  word,',  if  we  could  add  three  States  of  about  the 
size  of  Xorth  Carolina  to  the  slave  States,  and  then  get 
our  distributive  share  of  the  proceeds  arising  from  the 
sale  of  the  balance  of  these  lands,  I  think  we  could  then 
afford  to  settle  the  territorial  question. 

But  it  may  bo  argued  that  this  division  should  he 
made  according  to  the  ratio  of  population  soon  after  the 
revolution,  that  these  Territories  were  then  common 
property,  and  that  we  should  not  wait  this  long  until 
the  Northern  States  have  beensettled  up  largely  by  for- 
eigners, and  has  thus  given  them  a  great  advantage 
over  us  if  we  now  divide  according  to  the  ratio  of  pop- 
ulation. I  will  admit  that  there  is  some  feasibility  in 
such  an  argument.  But  at  the  same  time  wc  do  not 
need  all  the  Territory  that  would  thus  acrue  to  us,  to 
carry  our  servants  to.  And  I  do  not  see  any  use  in 
acting  the  dog  in  the  manger.  We  can't  occupy  and 
settle  these  lands  ourselves  and  I  see  no  use  in  placing 
an  impediment  in  the  way  to  keep  others  from  settling 
them.     This  Coutineiit  may  have  been  intended  by  the 


86 

All  wise  Creator  for  the  purpose  for  which  it  now  seems 
to  be  so  well  adapted— an  asylum  for  the  crowded  and 
miserably  poor  of  the  Eastern  Continent,  and  I  therefore 
think  we  should  not 'throw  any  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
its  settlement.  Our  forefathers  sought  an  asylum  here 
where  they  might  rest  at  ease,  and  I  now  think  we 
should  extend  the  same  hand  of  fellowship  to  our  fel- 
low man. 

As  the  Northern  States,  owing  to  the  tide  of  emigra- 
tion have  increased  in  numbers  mnch  faster  than  we 
have,  there  is  a  probability  of  their  eventually  wanting 
more  Territory  upon  which  to  settle,  or  wanting  it  at 
least  in  proportion  to  their  present  numbers. 

But  it  may  be  argued  that  these  lands  should  be  di- 
vided according  to  the  Federal  population   soon   after 
the  close  of  the  revolution,  and  had  we  have  chosen  to 
•  make  free  States  of  a  portion  of  them  we   could  do  so, 
but  let  the  proceeds  thereof  come    exclusively   to    the 
Southern  States.     This  would  have  been   fair  had  Ihc 
division  been  made  soon  after  that  time,  but  flic  way 
it  now  is,  I  don't  know  if  it  would  not  be  as  fair,  taking 
every  thi'nginto  consideration,  to  divide  them  according 
to  Federal  population  after  the  plan  mentioned,  and  the 
proceeds  thereof  in  the  same  way,  or  apply  them  to  the 
expenses  of  general  govornment,  the    way    they    have 
a-enerallv  been  applied. 

"  If  we  thus  had  enough  of  these  Territories  laid  off  to 
make  three  such  States  as  Forth  Carolina,  the  portion 
of  these  Territories  that  would  then  fall  to  the  Forth, 
though  nearly  ten  times  as  large  as  ours,  would  in  all 
probability  be  settled  up  first.  I  don't  think  it  any  ad- 
vantage either  to  the  slaves,  or  slave  holders  to  scatte* 
them  over  so  much  country— but  rather  the  reverse. 
Therefore,  I  thiuk  if  we  could  get  enough  of  these  Ter- 


8^ 


ritories  to  make  three  States  about  the  size  of  North 
Carolina,  or  more  exactly  136,520  square  miles,  ami 
then  get  our  distributive  share  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
balance  that  this  part  of  the  question  would  bo  settled 
fairly  and  equitably,  I  can't  see  how  it  is  any  worse 
for  a  servant  to  cultivate  an  aero  of  laud  in  those  Ter- 
ritories than  it  is  in  any  other  part  of  the  Southern  or 
United  States,  and  while  such  a  course  does not  propose 
to  increase  the  number  of  servants,  I  can't  tell  how;  it 
can  increase  the  evil.  As  this  territorial  question  is  one 
fraught  with  so  many  troubles  and  dangers  to  our  well 
being,  I  think  it  should  be  settled  and  settled  forever; 
either  by  running  a  line  east  and  vest,  and  giv«  the 
South  the  Southern  portion,  or  should  the  North  object 
to  thus  dividiwgit,  and  giving  to  the  south  all  the  South- 
ern portion,  run  the  line  north  and  sooth  so  as  to  give  to 
each  section  a  variety  of  climate.  Establish  this  line 
either  east  and  west,  or  north  and  south,  as  the  case  may 
be,  and  let  it  be  done  permanently.  Have  no  more 
voting  upon  it. 

At  these  elections  when  a  State  is  to  be  admitted  in- 
to the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  as  the  people 
may  <i;iy,  there  is  always  too  much  excitement  at  thorn, 
too  apt  to  be  blood  spilt.  But  have  the  territories  di- 
vided so  that  if  any  one  is  desirous  of  removing  to  them 
with  his  servants,  he  knows  where  to  go — and  if  he  is 
desirous  ofgoing  to  a  free  State  he  also  knows  where  to 
go  ?  Fixed  in  this  way,  the  North  would  then  have  some 
the  advantage,  because  one  can  come  from  the  free 
States  and  settle  and  live  in  a  slave  State  just  as  well 
as  ii  ho  had  come  from  a  slave  State,  and  if  be  is  after- 
wards desirous  of  doing  so,  he  can  buy  servants  and 
live  there  with  the  same  privileges  as  though  he  had 
been  a  Southern  man  out  and  out.     But  if  a  Southern 


88 


man  goes  to  a  free  State,  he  has  to  leave  his  servants, 
if  he  has  any,  behind.  In  this  the  Xorth  lias  some  the 
advantage,  but  let  us  not. fall  out  about  that.  There  is 
no  needot  falling  out  about  it,  for  both  sections  would 
then  have  territory  enough  to  do  them  for  thousands 
and  thousands  of  years  to  come.  In  order  to  show  our 
greedy  disposition,  I  will  use  the  following  illustra- 
tions :  You  may  offer  a  child  an  apple,  he  will  take  it 
in  his  hand;  offer  him  another,  he  will  take  that  in  the 
other  hand  ;  offer  him  a  third  and  having  no  place  for 
it,  he  will  commence  crying  about  it.  So  with  us 
about  our  public  lands.  We  already  have  about  as 
much  as  we  can  occupy,  and  there  still  being  a  large 
amount  unoccupied,  we  must  have  a  great  contention 
about  that,  when  the  probability  is  that  they  will  not 
be  occupied  for  many  generations  to  come.  I  don't, 
though  advise  being  prodigal  with  these  lands  because 
we  have  a  super-abundance  of  them,  hut  I  think  the 
fact  that  there  is  such  a  vast  amount  of  them,  should 
induce  each  party  to  yield  so  as  to  settle  the  ter- 
ritorial question  fairly  and  peaceably,  and  without 
any  disturbance.  Each  party  would  then,  I  think, 
have  as  much  land  as  they  would  ever  know  what  to  do 
with.  This  I  think  would  be  a  fair  plan  to  settle  upon, 
fair  and  just  to  both  parties,  I  may  say.  Because  at 
the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
there  were  but  thirteen  States,  twelve  of  which  were 
slave  holding.  In  time  the  people  of  the  ISTorthern 
States  sold  their  servants  to  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States.  Even  Connecticut  tolerated  slavery  as  late  as 
the  year  1840.  The  territories  were  then  joint  stock, 
and  I  can't  see  why  the  people  of  the  Southern  States 
should  forfeit  their  right  to  settle  in  these  territories 
merely  because  they  bought  the  servants  of  the  north- 
ern people. 


89 


The  institution  of  slavery  has  now  got  a  foothold  with 
ns  and  I  now  don't  know  what  better  we  can  do  with 
them  than  to  keep  them  and  treat  them  well,  and  if  it 
be  wrong  let  it  between  us  and  our  God.  If  it  be  wrong 
I  presume  the  people  fit  the  north  will  have  a  portion 
of  the  sin  to  answer  for,  because  they  sold  theirs  into 
bondage.  I  Will  here  remark  before  quitting  this  sub. 
ject  that  I  am  very  desirous  of  seeing  laws  passed  for 
the  general  good  treatment  of  servants  in  order  that 
neither  the  north,  nor  any  one  else,  can  have  ought  to 
say  against  us  concerning  that  matter.  I  have  reasons 
for  speaking  as  I  have  respecting  the  treatment  of  ser- 
vants, which  I  will  make  known  at  the  proper  place. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
PLAN  OF  ADJUSTMENT  CONTINUED. 

THE   RIGHTEOUS    SHOULD    HULE. 

Should  it  eventually  turn  out  that  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy will  stand,  or  that  the  seceded  States  will  have 
to  go  back  into  the  Union,  I  think  in  either  case,  it 
should  be  put  into  the  Constitution  that,  none  but  reli- 
gious, pious  persons  should  be  eligible  to  office  from 
that  of  Clerk  and  Sheriff  up  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  There  is  no  irreligious  man  that  will 
make  a  good  ofiicer  who  would  not  make  a  better  one 
were  he  a  professor  of  religion.  The  Bible,  I  think 
says,  "  When  the  wicked  rule  the  people  mourn,  but 
when  the  righteous  rule  the  people  rejoice."  The  Bible 
I  think  gives  conclusive  evidence  that  righteous  persons 
make  the  best  rulers.  God,  that  made  the  world  can, 
I  think,  best  govern  it,  and   that   a   righteous   person 


90 


comes  nearer  being  a  vicegerent  of  God  than  a  wicked 
persofc  is  evident. 

A  wicked  man  is  scarcely  lit  to  govern  a  family,  let 
alone  a  nation  of  people.  He  lacks  that  calmness  and 
serenity  of  temper  which  bears  him  up  in  the  hour  of 
trial  and  trouble. 

Religion  to  a  man  is  what  the  regulator  is  to  a  steam 
engine,  it  causes  him  to  take  an  even  and  a  regular 
course,  through  life — like  a  ship  at  sea  in  time  of  a  storm.  . 
She  does  not  mount  upon  every  waveas  a  frail  lightbark 
would  do,  but  plows  through  them  and  thus  keeps  on 
an  even  and  direct  course.  The  ship  having  ballast 
enables  her  to  do  thus.  Religion  then  to  a  man  is  what 
ballast  is  to  a  ship,  it  causes  him  to  lake  an  even  course 
through  life's  uneven  way.  Religious  persons  will  evi- 
dently make  the  best  officers,  but  how  often  do  we  see 
the  wicked  thrust  into  power  as  it  were,  when  the 
more  modest,  less  assuming  and  more  religious  are  left 
out. 

Some  may  object  to  thus  mixing  state  and  clergy; 
but  suppose  all  the  people  throughout  the  land  were 
righteous.  That  we  had  no  wicked  persons  from  which 
to  select  our  politicians,  and  as  a  consequence  none  but 
religious  persons  were  elected  to  office,  don't  you  think 
we  would  soon  have  very  different  times  from  what  we 
havehad?  If  we  had  had  such  mentofill  our  offices  for  the 
last  fifty  years,  we  would  not  now,  I  presume  have  this 
horrible  civil  war  upon  us.  If  all  persons  were  religious 
we  should  not  now,  I  presume  have  any  use  for  those 
large  guns  and  other  munitions  of  war  now  being  made 
and  used  with  which  to  destroy  the  lives  of  our  tellow 
man.  We  have  plenty  of  room  for  them  all  for  many 
generations  to  come.  ISTo  need  of  killing  up  any.  When 
we  consider  the  large  number  Of  human  beings  slain  in 


91 

wars  and  that  otherwise  die,  we  may  truly  say  that  wars 
arc  deplorable  evils.  Oar  yatfng  numfboth  sections) 
hkd  better  in  my  opinion  prepare  to  iill  some  useful 
station  in  life,  to  administer  aid  and  comfort  to  their 
afflicted  follow  man,  and  wait  God's  own  appointed  time 
to  die,  than  thus  needlessly  to  throw  away  their  lives  in 
wicked  wars.  Are  our  soldiers  that  fall  in  battle  pre- 
pared for  this  great  change  ?  They  should  remember 
that  in  the  next  world  they  have  an  eternity  to  live 
Being  slain  in  battle  alone  is  not  going  to  save  them, 
though  they  be  upon  the  right  side.  They  must  lirst, 
have  been  born  again,  and  have  faith  in  Jesus  Christ, 
before  they  may  expect  to  reap  the  joys  of  another 
world. 

As  has  been  already  remarked  :i  truly  pious  ruler  ap- 
proaches nearer  a  vicegerent  of  Cod,  than  any  other 
person  we  can  possibly  select,  and  that  government  in 
the  hands  of  such  men  approaches  nearest  a  Theocracy, 
such  as  was  before  king  Saul  commenced  (o  reign,  is 
also  evident,  Then  let  ns  approximate  a  Theocracy  as 
near  as  possible  by  making  our  officers  and  rulers  ex- 
clusively of  pious  men. 

There  is  probably  no  position  in  our  country  that 
calls  for  good  pious  men  more,  or  that  needs  their  ser- 
vices worse,  than  does  the  various  offices  of  our  countrv, 
from  that  of  Clerk,  Sheriff,  &c.,  up  to  the  Presidency  of 
the  Unite  1  States.  And  whether  we  succeed  in  build- 
ing up  this  Southern  Confederacy,  or  whether  we  go 
back  to  the  old  Union,  let  us  do  this  thing — put  onlv 
good  pious  men  at  the  head  of  government  affairs,  and 
put  it  in  the  Constitution  '-that  none  others  bnt  such 
shall  be  put  there."  I  will  here  remark  that  it  should 
not  be  men  of  superficial  piety  only  that  should  hold 
the  offices  of  our  country,  but  the  genuine  professors— 


92 

men  who  have  hud  then  hearts  changed.  Our7  govern 
ment  placed  in  the  hands  of  such  men,  I  think,  would 
stand  the  shock  of  ages,  and  until  this  be  done,  I  don't 
think  we  can  ever  have  a  remanent  governtment.  I 
think  it  is  already  clearly  cuough  demonstrated  that 
the  wicked  are  incapable  of  self  government  without 
ever  trying  that  experiment  again. 

But  the  good  effect,  that  elevating  exclusively  to  the 
offices  of  our  country,  pious  men  is  not  the  only  good 
effect  that  such  a  course,  I  think,  would  have.     Religion 
would  be  encouraged,  and  by  this  means  the   good   ti- 
dings of  great  joy  would  probably  soon  be  proclaimed 
with  a  more  saving  effect  throughout   the   length   and 
breadth  of  our  entire  land,  and  the  gladsome  news,  that 
the  dead  is  alivs,  the  lost  is  found,  be  thus  sent  home 
to  the  heart  of  many  a  poor  sinner.     A  great  part   of 
our  sinful  population  might  thusprobabysoonbe  brought 
"  their  Redeemer  to  know. ' '    Joy  would  then  spring  up 
in  every  corner  of  the  land,  and  peace  and  contentment 
reign  throughout  the  entire  length  and  breadth  thereof. 
You  will  please  pardon  me  for  saying  here,  that  I 
believe  such  a  course  as  the  above  would  have  a  great 
effect  on  religion;  that  it  would  probably  cause  many 
persons  to  become  professors  who  never  do,  because  I 
don't  think  religion  would  then  be  viewed  in  the  per- 
secuted  light  in  which  it  is  now  generally  viewed;  there 
wTould  be  niore  inducements  to  seek  after  it,  (pardon  me' 
here)  and  we  have  the  promise  that  those   that   seek 
shall  find,  and  after   finding  their  great  regret   is  that 
they  had  not  sought   and    obtained   sooner.     Having 
somewhat  digressed  from  the  subject,  I  will  now  return 
to  it  again. 

I  will  now  soon  end  this  important  subject,  afterfirst 
summing  up  what  I  conceive  to  be  a  fair  basis  for  the 


&3 


North  and  South  to  settle  upon,     I  herewith  submit  it. 
1  Let  the  South  pass  laws  forth©  bettor  treatment  jof 

servants  according  to  the  plan  already  given. 

-  Let  the  North  repeal  those  personal  libeity  hills. 

3  Establish  the  Missouri  (Compromise  line,  or  some 
other  line  as  already  mentioned  and  thus  give  the  South 
equal  rights  in  the  Territories'; 

4  Respect  the  fugitive  slave  law. 

5  Let  the  South  pass  laws  such  as  would  protect  her 
manufacturing  interest according  to  plan  already  given. 

0  Insert  in  the  Constitution  that  none  hut  pious,  re- 
ligion* persons  should  be  eligible  to  Office. 

7  Let  all  go  back  into  the  Union  and  bo  good  clever 
fellows,  and  let  the  experience  of  the  past  be  a  lesson 
for  the  future. 

8  Permit  all  to  come  back  to  the  Union  with  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  citizens  as  though  there  had 
been  no  war.  Let  there  be  no  farther  sacrifice  of  life 
or  property  on  either  side. 

!•  As  regards  the  expenses  of  the  war,  let  each  side 
pay  its  own  expense,  or  else  cast  both  debts  together 
and  make  a  joint  National  debt. 

Before  gutting  this  important  subject,  I  must  urge 
once  more  upon  my  Southern  brethren  the  importance 
of  putting  a  stop  to  this  cruel  war  by  going  hack  into 
the  Union.  I  do  80  through  love-and  veneration  for 
them,  believing  it,  under  the  circumstances,  the  best 
thing  that  we  can  now  do,  and  I  think  1  have  a  right 
to  know  some  of  tie-.'  things,  which  I  will  relate  at 
the  proper  place.  I  desire  to  see  no  farther  sacrifice  of 
human  life,  neither  on  the  part  of  tie1  North  nor  the 
South.  If  this  wa*  should  continue  any  length  of  time, 
there  is  a  probability  of  the  mortality  caused  by  it, 
e  pialing.  if  not  exceeding,  that   of  the  French  revolu- 


94 


tion.  During  that  terrible  civil  war,  there  were  over 
1,000,000  human  beings  slain,  over  1,800  of  which  were 
beheaded  with  the  guillotine,  (a  machine  for  the  pur- 
pose, that  cuts  oft'  a  head  at  a  single  stroke.) 

I  will  here  remark,  that  the  population  of  France 
and  that  of  the  United  States  is  about  equal,  both  be- 
ing about  30,000,000.  Should  we  lose  a  million  of  men 
in  this  terrible  struggle,  mostly  the  youth  of  our  coun- 
try, what  a  dreadful  calamity  it  would  be  !  And  as  re- 
gards futurity,  we  may,  perhaps,  say  thousands  of  mil- 
lions. Of  all  wars,  civil  wars  are  the  most  disastrous  and 
destructive,  both  to  property  and  human  life;  because 
each  side  is  apt  to  put  forth  its  entire  strength.  At  the 
rates  that  our  men  (North  and  South)  are  now  falling, 
it  will  not  take  long,  I  presume,  for  its  victims  to  reach 
even  a  million.  Let  us,  therefore,  hope  that  our  diffi- 
culties will  soon  be  settled  and  the  evils  of  war  be  re- 
moved from  this  once  happy  country. 

There  may  be  an  objection  raised  to  going  back  into 
the  Union,  for  the  reason  that  the  North  will  probably 
be  for  making  us  pay  the  expenses  of  this  war,  and 
will  also  persecute  our  citizens.  I  though  don't  believe 
there  is  any  foundation  for  either  of  these  suppositions. 
The  Democratic  party  is  now  largely  in  the  majority  at 
the  North  and  the  prospect  of  things  appears  to  be  very 
unfavorable  for  such  a  supposition  as  the  above,  for 
within  the  last  ten  months  the  Democratic  party  to  the 
North  has  held  State  Conventions  and  nomiinated  full 
democratic  tickets  in  every  free  State  in  the  Union. 

To  prove  that  this  great  party  is  also  conservative, 
and  advocates  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment, rcerely  for  restoring  all  to  the  Union  again, 
with  equal  rights  and  privileges,  I  refer  the  reader  to 
the  following  extract  of  an*  address  issued  by  fourteen 


95 

prominent.  Democratic  members  of  the  Federal  Con* 
gress,  and  which  yon  may  find  in  the  North  Carolina 
Standard  of  June  Htti;  1862. 

11  We  scorn  to  reply  to  the  charge  that  the  Democratic 
party  is  opposed  to  granting  aid  and  support  to  the 
federal  Government  in  maintaining  its  safety,  integrity 
tyaud  Constitutional  supremacy,  and  in  favor  of  dis- 
banding our  armies  and  suocorabing  to  the  South.  The 
charge  is  libelous  and  false.  No  man  has  advocated  a-ny 
such  proposition.  Democrats recognise  it  as  their  duty 
as  patriots  to  support  the  government  in  all  its  constitu- 
tional, necessary  and  proper  efforts  to  maintain  its  safe- 
ty, integrity  and  constitutional  authority;  but  at  the 
same  time  they  are  inflexibly  opposed  to  waging  a  war 
against  any  o{'  the  states  or  people  of  this  Union  in  any 
spirit  of  oppression,  or  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or 
subjugatioiij  or  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the 
rights  or  established  institutions  of  any  state.  Above 
all,  the  democratic  party  will  not  support  the  adminis- 
tration in  any  thing  which  looks  or  tends  to  theloss  of 
our  political  or  personal  rights  and  liberties,  or  a  change 
o#our  present  demOcratical  form  of  government." 

I  have  another  reason  for  advocating  that  the  seceded 
states  had  best  go  back  into  the  Union  and  that,  is  that 
1  don't  believe  this  Southern  Confederacy  can  stand, 
and  that  therefore  the  sooner  we  go  back  the  better  it 
will  be  for  us,  and  the  less  the  loss  both  in  lives  and 
property.  I  have  two  reasons  for  thus  believing,  one 
of  which  I  will  give  here,  or  they  may  I  suppose,  1  e 
sumed  up  pretty  much  in  one,  the  main  body  of  them 
I  will  give  hero,  but  the  why  and  wherefore,  I  will  re- 
tain for  another  plaee. 

'.  T  think  been  shown  that  any  of  tl 
holders  at  the  couth  may  at  any  time  with  impunity 


§6 

and  some  of  tliera  have  acted  what  should  have  been 
unconstitutional  in  the  treatment  of  their  servants. 
The  offense  of  mistreatment  of  servants  being  of  longer 
standing  or  of  more  ancient  date  than  those  personal 
liberty  bills  detracts,  I  think,  from  the  offensiveness  of 
the  latter;  these  offences  then  in  my  opinion  about  bal- 
ance. So  the  south,  I  think  should  not  have  kicked 
up  such  a  dust  at  these  personal  liberty  bills,  until  they 
themselves  had  passed  some  better  laws  for  the  treat- 
ment of  servants,  and  as  this  great  reform  for  their  bet- 
ter treatment  has  not  yet  been  made  by  law,  and  as  this 
great  fuss  and  disturbance  arose  principally  about  them, 
and  taking  also  into  consideration  the  many  unjust 
means  that  were  resorted  to,  to  bring  on  general  seces- 
sion— such  as  lying  telegrams,  &c.  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  this  Southern  Confederacy  can't  long  stand 
upon  its  present  foundation. 

I  was  about  to  close  my  remarks  without  citing  to 
Henry  Clay  on  secession,  a  true  patriot  and  lover  of 
his  country,  and  a  man  whose  worth  was  not  fully  ap- 
preciated until  after  he  was  gone  ;  and  though  we  may 
not  have  dealt  with  him  justly  in  every  respect  -whilst 
he  wTas  with  us,  it  is  now  too  late — he  is  gone.  This 
circumstance  reminds  me  of  a  story  of  a  little  boy  that 
I  once  read,  who,  one  night  after  he  had  gone  to  bed, 
commenced  crying.  His  father  asked  him  what  was 
the  matter.  Why  says  he,  I  recollect  upon  a  certain 
occasion  that  my  little  brother  Jimmy  wanted  my  top 
to  play  with  and  I  would  not  let  him  have  it,  now  he  is 
dead  and  I  can't,  and  the  thought  of  it  filled  the  little 
fellow's  soul  with  anguish.  So  of-our  sage  and  hero 
whether  or  not  we  dealt  justly  with  him  whilst  among 
us,  it  is  now  too  late  to  amend  as  to  that — he  is  gone. 
But  he  has  left  us  his  advice  upon  this  all  important 
ubject.     Let  us  see  what  it  is.     See  41. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

SUDDEN  CALL  OF  GOD  AND  PROFESSION  OF 
RELIGION. 

My  main  reasons  for  believing  that  this  Southern 
Confederacy  can't  lcnig  stand  upon  its  present  founda- 
tion, are  founded  in  a  profession  of  religion,  or  in  things 
that  were  made  known  to  me  above  fourteen  years  ago, 
and  it  is  what  I  then  experienced  that  has  caused  me 
to  attempt  to  write  the  present  work.  And  though. 
there  be  many  things  that  happened  to  me  at  that  time 
that  will  appear  strange  to  the  reader,  they  are  never- 
theless true  to  a  pins  point,  as  nigh  as  I  am  able  to  re- 
late them,  and  I  don't  think  I  can  be  mistaken  in  any 
thing,  because  there  was  too  much  power  attending 
their  visitation.  The  visions,  revelations,  &c,  that  then 
appeared  unto  me,  I  look  upon  as  the  plainest  of  all 
things  that  have  taken  place  during  my  lite,  and  though, 
above  fourteen  years  ago,  I  recollect  them  with  the 
greatest  accuracy,  and  don't  think  I  have  forgotten 
scarcely  a  jot  since. 

In  order  that  I  may  be  understood,  I  will  begin  back 
at  the  beginning  and  mention  probably  some  of  the 
producing  causes.  With  these  introductory  remarks, 
I  herewith  submit  the  principal  part  of  these  visions 
and  revelations. 

In  the  spring  of  1848,  I  was  going  to  school  at  Car- 
thage, X.  C.  I  have  been  both  the  diligent  the  neg- 
lectful student.  During  my  first  schooling  I  was  toler 
ably  apt  until  I  learned  Grammar,  Geography  and 
Arithmetic.  I  was  then  put  to  Latin,  Greek  and  Ge- 
ometry. Not  having  much  relish  for  these  studies, 
particularly  the  two  former,  I  was  dragging  in  my  class 
5i 


m 

for  a  year  or  so.  At  length  a  circumstance  occurred 
that  in  no  small  degree  tended  to  .spur  me  up  in  nay 
studies.  It  was  this.  Our  excellent  tutor,  Rev.  A.  C. 
McJSTeill,  talked  of  quitting  the  school  at  Carthage  after 
the  close  of  the  then  present  session,  and  going  to  South 
Carolina  to  teach  there.  I  then  began  seriously  to  re- 
flect on  the  thing,  thinking  that  after  the  close  of  the 
present  session,  my  opportunities  *for  learning  might 
probably  be  wound  up.  The  consequence  was,  I  ap- 
plied myself  diligently  to  my  studies.  Difficulties  be- 
gan to  vanish,  and  I  was.  soon  making  line  progress,  in 
my  studies.  Such  a  spirit  seemed  generally  to  have 
pervaded  the  school;  all  the  schollars  appeared  to  learn 
faster.  I  had  passed  from  a  state  of  gloomy  despon- 
dency to  one  of  constant  delight.  I  attended  closely  to 
my  studies,  and  when  I  went  to  recite  I  generally  un- 
derstood my  lessons  well,  so  much  so  that  our  excellent* 
assistant  tutor,  Mr.  Archibald  Ray,  wished  to  increase 
my  Latin  lesson.  I  was  then  getting  a  page  of  a  night, 
and  could, read  it  almost  as  fluently  as  English  ;  but  I- 
was  conscious  that  he  was  not  aware  of  the  immense 
study  that  it  took  to  get  it  in  that  fix,  and  so  objected 
to  it. 

I  kept  two  slates,  one  at  my  room,  the  other  at 
the  school  room,  and  was  practicing  writing  to  a  con- 
siderable extent,  with  which  to  learn  these  studies,  and 
I  thought,  with  marked  benefit  too.  I  had  studied  to 
such  a  degree  and  pleased  with  the  progress  that  I  was 
making,  that  I  got  so  that  I  could  not  sleep  well  of  a 
night,  or  at  least  not  well  in  the  forepart  of  the  nightj 
I  would  thus  lay  awake  probably  an  hour  or  so  think- 
-  ing  on  some  difficulty  in  my  studies.  My  mind  was 
.  continually  goii  g.  All  was  pleasure  and  contentment, 
or  at  least,  it  was  rather  a  pleasure  than  a  burden  tome 


99 


to  skidy.  Many  times  I  would  thus  hi}-  down  at  night 
and  when  I  would  arise  in  the  morning  I  would  know 
more  about  my  studies  than  when  I  lay  down.  Upon 
one  occasion  feeling  somewhat  wearied,  I  went  dp  in* 
my  room  alter  dinner  and.  lay  down,  thinking  I  would 
rest  a  little  while,  I  soon  dropped  off  to  sleep  and  when 
1  awoke  the  school  boys  were  returning  from  school. 
About  this  time  I  became  ardently  attached  to  a  young 
lady.  Each  day  seemed  like  n  y  attachment  was 
stronger.  AltHo«^h  1  had  never  broached  the  subject 
to  her,  I  had  resolved  to  do  so  at  an  early  day.  Cir- 
cumstances though  turned  up  so  as  to  decree  things 
othei  wise.  \i  v  attachment  though  for  her  was  so  strong 
that  J  loved  her  for  years  alter  she  was  married.  I  am 
therefore  an  advocate  of  early  marriages,  although  I 
have  not  practiced  it  myself. 

Well,  feeling  somewhat  burdened  .with  m}'  studies, 
I  resolved  going  up  home  and  spending  a  i'cw  days 
fishhig  with  a  hook  and  line,  an  exercise  of  which  I^was 
very  fond  ;  I  accordingly  went  up  on  "Wednesday  or 
Thursday,  intending  to  return  to  my  school  again  on 
Sunday.  1  then  lacked  one  day  of  being  eighteen 
years  old.  I  remarked  to  a  friend  at  Carthage,  before 
leaving,  that  w'  to-day  I  can't  muster,  but  to-morrow  I 
can,"  meaning  that  I  would  then  be  eighteen  years  old. 
Little  did  I  think  what  would  take  place  before  that 
time  should  arrive. 

I  will  here  remark  that  the  Friday  after  I  left  was 
Composition  day,  it  being  a  custom  of  the  school  to 
write  and  hand  in  one  every  two  weeks.  1  had  ac- 
cordingly written  mine  and  sent  it  in  the  day  J  left  by 
one  of  the  students.  Whether  or  not  it  could  be  con- 
sidered a  good  one,  it  was  one  upon  which  I  had  be- 
stowed a  good  deal  of  labor.     1  closed  it  with  the  first 


100 


three  or  four  verses  of  the  xiv.  chap,  of  St.  John.  "Well,  - 
that  evening  I  went  on  home  and  got  there  about  dusk. 
During  the  evening  I  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation 
with  ray  father  and  step-mother. 

After  a  while  bed  time  came  on  and  I  went  up  stairs 
to  bed  by  myself.  My  two  brothers  and  step-brother 
had  gone  a  fishing — striking  with  a  torch  and  gig. 
"Well,  soon  after  laying  down  I  commenced  studying 
on  another  composition  that  I  intended  writing  out  by 
our  next  composition  day.  I  was  going  to  describe  a 
battle  between  Pluto,  the  god  of  the  infernal  regions, 
and  the  God  of  heaven.  I  had  before  given  this  subject 
much  study,  and  was  now  studying  on  it  with  great  in- 
tensity of  mind.  I  had  it  about  ready  for  the  pen,  so 
that  when  I  went  to  write  it  I  would  have  had  but  little 
to  do  more  than  write  it  off  as  fast  as  I  could  write.  It 
was  to  be  an  serial  battle,  or  one  fought  in  the  air,  and 
in  substance  pretty  much  as  follows  : 

All  the  powers  of  hell  were,  to  be  mustered  against 
those  of  heaven.  It  was  to  be  a  decisive  battle.  If 
Pluto  and  his  army  whipped  there  would  be  no  more 
heaven,  and  if  God  and  his  army  whipped  there  would 
be  no  more  hell.  God  and  his  army  were  to  be  moun- 
ted on  white  steeds,  clad  in  white  apparel,  with  scarlet 
caps  and  a  bright  star  in  front.  Pluto  and  his  army 
were  to  be  mounted  on  black  steeds,  clad  in  black  ap- 
parel, and  to  have  the  appearance  of  death.  Both  ar- 
mies being  ready  at  a  given  signal  they  strike  a 
lope  to  join  battle.  They  soon  join.  The  battle  now 
rages  fierce  and  heavy,  and  nothing  can  be  heard  but 
the  loud  clanking  and  jarring  of  warlike  instruments 
and  the  fruitless  cries  on  the  side  of  Pluto  and  his  men 
for  mercy.  The  battle  rages  still  fiercer  and  heavier, 
and  there  is  a  prospect  of  Pluto  and  his  men  soon  being 


101 


utterly  discomfited  and  'his  power  forever  overthrown.' 
At  this  moment  God  in  person  attacks  Pluto  and  suc- 
ceeds in  unhorsing  him.  lie  then  dismounts  to  uso 
him  up  with  his  sword. 

As  I  was  about  this  point,  my  mind  intensely  enga- 
ged with  the  closing  scenes  of  the  imaginary  battle,  all 
at  once  a  light  flashed  across  the  top  of  the  room  just 
like  lightning.  The  streams  appeared  to  be  about  two 
or  three  inches  across  and  two  or  three  in  number.  In' 
a  second  or  so  after  the  first  flash,  it  flashed  a  second 
time.  It  was,  according  to  my  recollection,  perfectly 
fair,  or  at  least  I  have  no  idea  that  this  lightning  came 
from  a  cloud.  In  a  second  or  so  after  the  second  flash 
I  saw  an  Image  stand  before  me,  the  brightest  thing 
that  I  had  ever  seen  in  all  my  life.  I  saw  it  when  it  was 
about  two  feet  high  and  it  keptgettinghigher  and  high- 
er until  it  got  to  be  about  the  size  of  a  man.  I  had 
never  seen  anything  that  would  begin  to  compare  with  it 
for  brightness.  I  not  expecting  to  see  any  such  a  thing 
was  frightened,  and  thinking  of  Moses,  veiled  my  face 
unable  to  behold  the  glory  thereof.  In  a  few  seconds 
there  was  an  influence  that  moved  over  me,  Such  as 
dispeled  this  fear.  I  then  uncovered  my  face  and 
would  have  been  glad  to  have  seen  this  bright  Image, 
or  rather  perhaps  person  of  God,  again,  but  it  was  gone. 
From  the  first  though,  I  felt  as  if  it  was  no  common 
work  that  was  upon  me.  I  now  heard  an  alarm  watch, 
such  as  I  had  frequently  heard  belonging  to  Capt.  Daniel 
Mclvcthan  ;  this  was  the  only  watch  that  I  ever  re- 
collect seeing  that  would  give  an  alarm  at  a  desired 
hour ;  it  made  a  noise  more  like  the  sin^insr  of  a  rattle- 
snake  than  anything  I  can  compare  it  to.  The  noise 
that  I  now  heard  seemed  to  be  exactly  like  that,  so 
much  so  that  it  appeared  the  two  could  not  have  been 


102 

told  apart.  It  was  made  known  to  me  what  it  was  for 
— to  alarm  me  that  time  was  n:ar,  or  precious,  and  I 
should  be  a  doing;. 

I  next  heard  a  popping  and  a  burning  as  of  a  great  fire. 
I  could  distinctly  hear  the  singing  of  twigs  or  thistles 
as  plainly  as  I  ever  heard  them  in  a  new  ground  when 
on  fire— such  as  sing  out  of  brush  heaps.  There  were 
next  some  things  made  known  to  me  not  necessary  to 
mention  here,  I  therefore  omit  them. 

I  felt  a  weight  on  my  breast  as  if  there  had  been  a 
fifty  pound  weight  there  ;  this  I  suppose  was  sin,  audi 
believe  began  by  degrees  to  be  removed. 

God  now  began  to  make  known  to  me  my  duty  or 
things  that  he  wished  me  to  accomplish. 

It  was  revealed  to  me  that  the  object  of  my  call  was 
that  the  plan  of  salvation  might  be  enlarged.  It  was 
revealed  to  me  that  the  plan  already  fixed  was  thought 
to  be  sufficient  to  save  the  whole  human  family,  but  still 
numbers  and  numbers  kept  passing  on  down  to  hell. 
The  plan  as  amended  was  to  embrace  the  whole  human 
family — all  were  to  be  saved. 

It  wag  also  represented  to  me  that  owing  to  oaths 
.which  the  Lord  had  taken  and  which  had  to  be  respec- 
ted, that  it  was  a  hard  and  difficult  thing  to  do  that 
lie  had  been  looking  for  a  suitable  person  to  call  to  this 
work,  and  had  at  length  chosen  me  for  that  purpose. 
It  was  also  told  me  why  I  was  chosen,  and  why  at  the 
age  of  eighteen.  The  reason  that  I  was  chosen,  at 
eighteen  was  because  it  was  the  age  at  which  the  Jews 
married;  why  this  shouldh  ave  any  thing  to  do  with  it 
I  am  now  unable  to  tell.  There  was  also  one  other 
reason  given  why  I  was  called  to  this  work,  but  which 
I  will  not  give  in  this  narrative. 

Another  reason  was,  my  lfaving  been  of  a  sad  morose 


103 


disposition  had  indued  mc  to  trouble,  and  it,  had  to  be 
a  person  that  had  experienced  trouble.     My  mind  hav- 
ing broken  the  fetters  of  sadness  through  the  exhilarat- 
ing  effects  of  books  and  passionate  love,  seemed  to  fit 
ne  fiyr  the  arduous  undertaking.     There  was  another 
thing  that  had  a  great  effect  on  mv  mind  in  producing 
lively  hopes  and  expectations,  and  which  I  should  have 
mentioned  sooner.     When  at  Bchool  at  Carthage,  by 
winging  a  watch  chain,  I  was  led  to  an  idea  by  which 
I  believed  I  had  discovered  perpetual    motion.     I  had 
esolved  to  tost  it  by  experiment  in  the  coming  vacation 
>l'tho  school,  hut  1  have  never  yet  tested  it,  and  so  can't 
tell  whether  or  not  it  will  work.     The  thought  though 
Df  having  discovered  it  had  a  very  exhilarating  effect 
>n  nij  mind.      Having  somewhat  digressed    from  the 
Hibject,  T  will  now  return  to  it  again. 

It  will  be  impossible  to  convey  a  just  idea  of  the  many 
towerfttl  truths  tjmt  wore  made  known  to  me  during 
his  eventful  night.  About  this  time  my  two  brothers 
nd  stop  brother,  who  had  been  fishing,  came  in.  They 
iot  having  been  in  my  company  much  for  some  time, 
I  to  knock  up  a  chat  with  me,  and  Aaron,  my 
ldcst  brother,  asked  me  if  I  did  not  want  to  clerk  it 
r  Colonel  Hancock  at  Carthago.  I  told  him  no,  not 
>r  forty  dollars  per  month.  He  appeared  a  good  deal 
irpriscd  at  this,  and  wanted  to  know  the  reason;  I 
tld  him  1  would  toll  him  the  meaning  of  all  this  at 
sine  future  period.  The  boys  seeing  I  did  not  want 
talk  with  them,  soon  dropped  oft  to  sleep.  Tl 
-lions  and  vis'o  is  still  kept  on  with  mo. 

luring  the  night  1  had  a  vision  of  hell  as 
lain  a  thing  as  I  ever  saw.  I  could  see  it  perfectly 
lain  over  to  my  loft  of  a  green  or  bluish  oolor.  I  was 
ion  laying  on  my  left  side.     It  was  ro\  ealed  to  me  that 


104 


if  I  would  lay  a  little  longer  I  could  hear  the  shrieks 
and  wails  of  human  beings  therein  ;  but  I  wis  so  shock- 
ed at  what  I  had  already  seen  that  I  turned  over   to 
keep  from  seeing  any  more.     These  things  kept  on  with 
me  all  night.     If  I  slept  any  it  was  but  little.     I  pro- 
bably slept  a  little  from    about  day  light  to  sun  up  or 
there  about.     I  can't  though  say  positively  that  I  slept, 
or  that  I  did  not  sleep.     Any  how  when  I  got  up  and 
went  down  stairs  every  thing  looked  new  and  changed. 
I  though  as  well  as  I  recollect,  did  not  tell  the  family  of 
any  of  these  things  that  had  taken  place  the  night  be- 
fore.    I  don't  think  I  had  any  thing  to  say  to  any    of 
them.     Notwithstanding  I  had  been  awake  the  most  if 
not  all  of  the  night  previous,  I  did  not  feel  sleepy  in  the 
least.     I  felt  easy  and  contented  and  across  my  peace- 
ful breast  not  a  wave  of  trouble  rolled.     The   change 
that  I  felt  had  taken  place  I  believe  I  should  have  taken 
for  religion,  had  I  experienced  no  greater  change.     I 
was  though  still  under  Divine  influence  ;  still  being  led 
on  as  it  were.     After   awhile  breakfast  came  on  and  I 
was  asked  in.     I  set  down  at  the  table  but  I  did  not 
feel  hungry.     They  had  fish  for  breakfast.    I  told  them 
I  would  eat  Some  fish  in  remembrance,  but  I  do  not 
think  I  told  them  in  remembranee  of  what,  but  I  meant 
Christ  performing  miracles  with  the  loaves  and  fishes. 
I  ate  but  a  few  tnouthfuls  when  I  got  up  and  went  out 
and  \aj  down  on  a  bench  in  the  piazza,     Seemed  like 
as  I  went  the  sun  shown  with  uncommon  brilliancy,  or 
with  a  soft  silvery  light,  such  as  I  had  never  before 
witnessed.     Although  I  was  laying  in  the  sunshine,  it 
appeared  to  be  the  best  and  most  comfortable  place  that 
I  ever  had  been  in,  in  all  my  life.     The  first   one  that 
came  out  to  me  was  my  youngest  brother,  Benjamin,  a 
child  some  two  years  old  I  presume,  or  just  beginning 


'  105     - 

o  paddle  about.     He  came  and  rubed  his  hands  over 
ny  vest  buttons;  it  caused  me  to  love  that  child  better 
baa  I  can  tell,  and  this  circumstance  causes  me  still  to 
ook*upon  him  with  tender  regard.     My  father  and  step 
bother  soon  came  out  and  desired  me  to  go  in  and  lay 
flown  on  a  bed,  as  I  was  laying  in  the  sunshine ;  but  I 
Hiought  it  was  the  best  place  that  I  ever  had  been  in 
[md  so  refused  to  go.     About  this  time  my  two  little 
listers  were  engaged  with  a  wheel  in  the  farther  end  of 
the  piazza,  spinning,  twisting  thread  or  something  of 
the  sort,  and  whilst  thus  engaged  they  sang  a  song, 
tailed  the  Millennium. 

I  know  I  thought  it  was  the  prettiest  song  I  ever  had 

heard  in  all  my  life,  and  seemed  like  it  was  sung  on 

purpose  for   me.     My   father  and  the  balance  of  the 

family  kept  insisting  on  my  going  in  out  of  the  sun.     I 

had  no  notion  of  going  and  therefore  their   talking  to 

ne  only  tended  to  confuse  me.     Whilst  there,    there 

ame  a  little  sparrow  near  me  on  the  floor.     My   step 

mother  remarked  that  there  was  a  little  bird  with  a  sore 

bot.     I  cast  my  eye  down  and  saw  that  one  ot  its  feet 

was  drawn  up  as  though  it  had  been  burnt. 

This  was  now  the  29th  day  of  March,  and  about  nine 
or  ten  o'clock  in  the  day.  The  cocks  crowed  a  good 
deal,  and  it  seemed  to  be  impressed  on  me  that  a  new 
dav  was  about  to  dawn.  Some  would  crow  and  not 
finish  their  notes,  stopping  about  half  way.  It  was 
afterwards  told  me  what  this  was  for,  which  I  will 
probably  relate  at  the  proper  place,  should  I  take  my 
narrative  that  far.  The  reason  that  I  suppose  it  to  be 
about  nine  or  ten  o'clock  in  the  day  is.  that  I  have  since 
ed  at  that  time  of  the  year  and  at  that  time  oi  day 
thc  coeks  are  apt  to  take  a  spell  at  crowing.  Well  my 
people  finding  that  I  was  not  going  in  of  my  own  accord 


« 


luo 

laid  hands  on  me  to  bear  me  in.     Seemed  like  as  s 
as  the}'  touched  me  for  this  purpose  my  breath  stJ 
and  I  became  stiff  and  cold  as  a  dead  person .     g 
like  I  was  dead  and  felt  so  except  about  my  heart 
joyful  wheels  of  life  still  went  on.     It  seems  to  m 
did  not  draw  my  breath  the  first  time  whilst  they  w 
thus  bearing  me.     But  I  was  soon  to  be  restored, 
they  laid  me  down  on  a  bed  I  awoke  as  it  were  ou 
beds  of  Paradise,  and  never  felt  so  joyful  and  happy 
all   my   life.     I  felt  that  my  sins,  which  were   ml 
were  all  forgiven,  and  I  shouted  and  praised  God  w 
all  the  power  that  I  was  master  of,  and  then  could  if 
praise  him   half  enough.     The  joy  that  one  feels 
having  his  sins  all  forgiven  is  such  as  no  one  can  dn 
any  idea  of,  except  it  be  by  those  that  have  oxperienc 
it,  and  is  such  as  none  can  tell.     I  looked  with  woncl 
and  astonishment  how  I  had  staid  away  from  so  go< 
a  Being  so  long.     I  was'  eighteen  years  old  that  ve1 
day,  and  saw,  I  think,  more  real  pleasure  and  satisfn 
tion  in  that  one  day,  than  I  had  seen  in  the  balance 
my  life.     I  had  a  universal  love   for   the  whole  hurrfj 
family,  and  for  my  relatives  at  home  I  felt  particular 
concerned.     I   told  my  father  and  step  mother^that 
would  have  them  or  knock  down  hell's  door,  meanir. 
that  I  would  follow  them  to  that  awful  place  before 
would  give   them  up.     I  think  though  that  it  was 
some  subsequent  time  when  I  had  been  greatly  wrougl 
upon,  that  I  told  them  this. 

It  would  now  seem  that  after  I  had  professed  roligio 
my  travel  niight  be  over,  but  not  so.  Many  deep  aq 
mysterious  truths  were  now  made  known  to  me.  Man 
things  were  now  revealed  to  nie-by  lessons  as  it  wen 
After  one  of  these  lessons  had  been  revealed  to  me, 
would  have  an  irresistible  desire  to  arise  and  proclain 


107 


>  the  family.     I  spake  as  I  had  never  before  spoken, 
eemed  like  the  words  were  put  in  my  mouth  as   fost 
s  I  could  utter  them..    During  the  course  of  these  re- 
lations I  was  led  through  deep  and  mysterious  things, 
nd  when  I  looked  back  and  saw  the  great  difficulties 
iat  I  had  been   led  through,  it  appeared  to  me,    that 
ad  I  have  known  at  the  start  the  many  difficulties  that 
had  to  go  through,  that  I  could  never  have  held  out. 
iut  by   their  being  presented  to  me   one  at  a  time,  I 
is  at  length  led  through.     There  was   nothing   com- 
ulsory  as  regard;;  my  duty  that  I  know  oi':  but    it  all 
\y  to  my  choice  which  to  pursue — the  part  of  Godli- 
<ss  or  not.     I  invariably   choose  the    part  by  which  I 
ought  I  might  keep  in  favor  Of  God,  and  by  which 
c  object  for  which  1  was  called  might  be  best  ac- 
limplished. 
At  length  after  some  days,  the  work  appeared  to  1  e 
[tied,  and  it  seemed  that  I  would  do  for  this  important 
irk.     How  long  this  was  from    the   time    of  my  first 
1  I  am  not  now  able*"  to   tell,    but  I   am  inclined   to 
nk  that  it  was   not  longer  than    three  or  four  days, 
the  time  though    longer  or  shorter  it  at  length  ap- 
ired  to  be  all  through,  and    that  I  would  answer  for 
reat  purpose.     But  it  seemed    necessary   in  order 
;it  thifi  work  might  be    fulfilled   that  [should  go  to 
bfivcn  in  order  that  my  mission  might  be  completed, 
ras  revealed  to  me  one  day  in    the  day  time  that 
id  would  send  down  his  angels  that  night  for  the  pur- 
ee of  .carrying  me  to  heaven.     1  was   willing  to  go. 
ere  were  two  doors  to  the  room  in  which  I    lay;  one 
s  a  hack  door  opening  out  into  the  yard  ;    the  other 
ning  in!  >  a  hall.     J  wanted  the    angels    to  come  in 
e  hall  door.      1  had  my  fear-  about  the  back  door; 
med  like  it   was  .•.  door  of  death  or  devils   or 
ig  po;  and  in  order  that  they   might  not  come  in  at 


108 


that  door,  1  had  a  servant  boy  of  the  name  of  Spencer 
to  make  him  down  a  pallet  across  the  door  and  lay 
there.  I  will  remark  here  that  I  lay  by  myself  after  the 
first  night  of  my  call.  "Well  I  was  laying  awake  and  I 
think  about  ten  o'clock,  I  heard  several  raps  at  this 
back  door,  as  though  some  one  had  raped  with  their 
knuckles.  I  without  hesitation  said  no  entrance  to 
devils  there;  they  then  raped  a  second  time,  I  said  the^ 
same  words,  and  I  heard  no  more  of  them  that  night. 
There  was  nothing  more  of  interest  that  I  recollect  of 
that  transpired  during  the  night. 

I  believe  it  was  the  next  night  that  I  had  another 
chance  of  going  to  heaven.  The  room  appeared  to  be 
filled  with  soft  light,  and  had  I  been  willing,  it  appear- 
ed that  I  would  have  gone  upward.  I  was  willing  to 
go  but  first  wanted  the  4th  seal  which  was  the  one 
directly  over  card  playing.  I  had,  when  a  neglectful 
student  at  Carthage,  lost  much  of  my  time  card -play- 
ino-when  I  should  have  been  at  my  studies,  and  so  I 
first  wanted  that  seal.  But  in  consequence  of  my  not 
going  in  the  way  that  it  seemed  pleasing  to  God  that  I 
should  go,  this  fell  through.  I  will  hear  remark  that 
there  were  eight  seals,  but,  the  uses  of  all  I  dont  think, 
had  been  fully  made  known  tome.  The  fourth  from 
this  circumstance  was  impressed  on  my  mind,  and  is 
slill  retained. 

I  believe  it  was  the  next  night  I  was  tried  again.  I  I 
was  laying  on  the  bed  by  myself,  and  the  first  thing  I  ; 
knew,  I  saw  a  bright  Image  alight  suddenly  on  a  bureau 
that  was  standing  near  a  window.  After  remaining 
there  a  few  moments  it  suddenly  went  out  through  the 
window.  As  it  went,  my  head  was  raised  up  off  of  the 
bed  and  drawn  after  it  so  as  to  make  a  bow,  or  my 
obeisance,  to  it  as  it  wen  t.    Presently  it  came  back  and  sat  j 


lof» 


about  the  same  place.  In  a  few  seconds  it  went  out 
again.  In  the  meantime  it  hart  been  told  me  .what  it  1T 
■was  for,  to  see  if  I  would  bow  to  it  of  my  own  accord  as  aK 
I  had  been  shown ;  I  accordingly  bowed  as  I  had*been  71^ 
shown  as  near  as  I  could.  In  a  few  seconds  it  came  in 
again,  and  came  and  sat  -apparently  on  the  head  board  in 
a  foot  or  two  above  my  head,  and  shown  down  on  me  on 
seem  like  with  the  brightness  .of  the  sun.  It  was  made  3  ' 
known  to  me  that  by  laying  as  I  was  and  letting  it  ia 
shine  on  me,  the  necessary  power  would  be  given  me. 
It  seems  I  had  refused  two  opportunities  of  g'oing  to 
heaven,  and  now  the  necessary  means  were  brought 
directly  to  me.  1  reflected  that  I  was  young  ;  that 
older  and  perhaps  more-  deserving  persons  had  never 
had  such  an  opportunity  offered  the'm  ;  Franklin  for  one 
I  know  crossed  my  mind.  So  out  of  affected  modesty, 
little  thinking  of  the  consequences,  I  refused  this  also, 
and  covered  my  head  to  keep  it  from  shining  on  me. 

I  will  here  remark  that  this  Image,  person  of  God,  or 
whatever  it  was,  did  not  appear  to  be  larger  than  a  man 
from  his  shoulders  up,  and  scarcely  so  broad  across  the 
base.  It  appeared  to  be  of  the  same  brightness  of  the  Im- 
age, or  rather  perhaps  person  of  God,  that  I  had  seen  at 
the  beginning  of  those  memorable  scenes.  I  will  also 
state  that  one  reason  that  I  refused  to  let  this  Image,  cr 
person  of  God,  shine  on  me  was  that  I  thought  it  would 
make  me  partake  of  its  brightness,  and  I  should  thus  be 
rendered  different  from  other  people,  and  I  did  not  want 
thus  to  be  ;  and  I  probably  thought  that  it  would  be 
m  >re  pleasing  to  God  for  me  to  choose  an  humbler  posi- 
tion, and  so  out  of  affected  modesty  refused  it. 

I  kept  my  heart  covered  the  most  if  not  all  of  the 
night,  and  passed  a  night  of  most  horrible  trouble.  This 
was  now  the  first  trouble  that  I  had  experienced  since  my 


110 

11  or  prpfession.     It  is  true  I  thought  I  had  cxpcricn- 

d  trouble  in    those   deep   and   mysterious   revelations 

rough  which  I  had  been  led.     I  was  aware  of  their 

fficulty,  but  had    Divine    aid   to  help  me  through  ;   so 

twithstanding   I  hod  experienced  some  trouble. I  had 

»t  felt  that  anguish  of  soul  that  I   experienced  during 

e  present  night.     It   wa?  truly    a   horrible   wretched 

ght  that  I  passed.     Deep  trouble  may  now  be  said  to 

t  in.     I  had,  without  knowing  the  direful  consequences 

at  it  would  bring  on,  disobeyed   in  three  very  impor- 

nt  particulars.     Had  it  have  been  impressed  on  me  by 

od   to   have   obeyed   in    either   of  these  three  last  par- 

mlars,   I   think   I  should   without   doubt,   have   done 

L     It  though   appeared  to  be  loft  to   my  own  choice, 

;    it   had   been     throughout,    which    side   to    choose  ; 

id  I   here,    as   it  happened,   choose   the    wrong   thing 

ich  time.     But  had  there  been  more  difficulty  attending 

lese    last   three  things    mentioned,    I   think  I   would 

Lvebeen  more  apt  to' have   obeyed,  or  choose  the  right 

de ;    for   their  performance  I   have    no   doubt  would 

ave    been   comparatively    easy   to  things  I  had   been 

3d  through. '    It    was    in     those     deep     and     difficult 

relations    and   travels,    that  required  all  the   energies 

f  my  soul;   together     with    Divine    aid,  that   I   kept 

losest  to  the    text.     So  when    the  plan  for  the  univer- 

il   redemption   of  man    was,  as   I  believe,  nearly  com. 

leted  it   was    spoilt    (at   least  for  the  present)  by  my 

isobeying  in  these  three  things   mentioned.     Whether 

r  not  there  remained  much  more  to  be  done  after  accopt- 

ig  what  was  offered  at  either  of  these  three  times,  I  am 

ow  unable  to  say  ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  had  I 

ave  accepted,  or  done  according  to  God's  will  in  either 

f  the  three,  that  the    business  would   soon  have   been 

nished,    and   the  plan  for  the  universal  redemption  of 


X 


Ill 


man  established  ;  but  all  appeared  to  be  lost  by  n 
wanting  something  in  my  own  way.  We  should  tak 
things  that  a-e  offered  to  us  of  God  after  His  own  wil 
and  not  after  <  urs. 

I  expect  the  reader ^has  been  struck   with  wonder  an 
astonishment  at  the  recitaPof  the  foregoing,  and   won 
ders  wliat  ir  could  all  mean.     I  will  say  that  I  believe  i 
was  the  Millennium  that  was  about  to  diwn,  and  tha 
if  it  had  succeded  that  the  Gospel  would  soon  have  beet 
proclaimed  with  a  saving  effect  to  the  uttermost  bound- 
of  the    earth,  and  the  last  .man  and  woman  have  beei 
brought  their  Saviour  to  know.     I  believe    it    was    tht 
Millennium  about  to  da vrn   frolm  the  fact  that  I  believe 
those  little  children  already  mentioned,  were  moved  to 
sing  that  song  on  purpose  for  me,  from  the  fact  that  it 
took  such  an  effect  on  me  ;  and  for  other  reasons  which 
have  already  been  mentioned. 

I  now  wish  to  go  back  and  relate  what  I  experienced 
that  I  think  has  a  refference  or  will  have  a  bearing  up- 
on the  present  sectional  troubles.  At  the  close  of  one 
of  these  lessons  of  revelation  as  I  have  called  them,  I 
was  greatly  operated  upon  and  arose  and  proclaim- 
ed to  the  family.  I  spake  with  great  freedom,  ami 
seemed  like  the  words  were  put  in  my  mouth  as  fast  as 
I  could  utter  them.  1  proclaimed  to  them  that  myriads 
and  myriads  of  souls  would  be  saved  from  endless  per- 
dition. At  the  time  of  which  I  now  speak,  I  was  mov- 
ed with  peculiar  regard  towards  the  African  race. 
Spencer,  the  boy  that  had  lain  abrossthe  door,  was  stand- 
ing immediately  to  my  left.  I  embraced  him,  p fitting 
my  left  arm  I  believe,  around  his  neck. 

eined  like  I  was  to  do  something  to  greatly  relieve 
the  condition  of  this  race  of  people,  but  what  it  would 
have  been  I  am   now  unable  to  say,   inasmuch   as  my 


112 

mission  was  not  finished,  but  from  what  I  experienced 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  God  is  not  satisfied  with 
slavery  as  it  now  exists,  and  this  cirumstance  had  been 
the  foundation  for  my  remarks  on  slavery.  From  what 
•was  afterwards  made  known  to  .me,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  this  related  mostly  to  corporal  punishments* 
and  I  have  accordingly  treated  of  it  mostly  in  that 
light.  This  circumstance  has  certainly  bad  the  effect 
to  cause  me  to  look  upon  that  race  of  people  with 
peculiar  regard  ever  since.  This  boy  Spencer  was  a 
professor  of  religion,  has  since  died,  and  I  have  no 
doubt  is  now  at  rest. 

I  will  now  return  to  the  subject  where  I  left  off.  It 
was  now  made  known  to  me  that  the  work  could  not  be 
finished  at  this  place,  owing  to  the  interruptions  of  the 
family,  I  mean  their  bothering  me,  their  sin  fullness,  or 
something  of  the  kind  ;  but  if  I  would  go  to  my  grand- 
father's, about  six  or  seven  miles  distant,  this  work  would 
there  be  renewed.  Unfortunately  I  was  prevented  from 
doing  this.  My  father  no  doubt  thought  that  he  could 
do  the  best  by  me  and  so  refused  to  let  me  go.  Divine 
influence  appears  mostly  to  have  left  me,  and  I  was 
left  to  stem  the  torrent-in  trouble  and  despair,  so  very 
grievous  that  I  can't  begim  to  describe  it.  As  it  is 
written,"  no  one  hath  power  of  himself  to  retain  the 
Spirit."  I.  had  erred  and  He  had  taken  His  flight  from 
me  so  far  as  these  works  were  concerned,  and  1  had  no 
way  to  call- Hi  m  back.  My  parents  saw  something 
was  the  matter,  and  various  were  the  conjectures  as  to 
what  it  was.  Some  said  that  I  had  studied  too  hard  ; 
others  that  I  was  in  love  with  some  young  lady ;  and 
some  this  thing,  and  some  that.  Unfortunately,  the 
means  taken  for  my  recovery  were  entirely  wrong,  I  was 
excluded  from  books,  and,  to   a   great   extend,    from   so- 


US 


eiefy.  This  tended  to  throw  me  into  deeper  trouble.  So 
great  did  my  troubles  eventually  get  to  be,  that  I  do  not 
believe  I  slept  a  wink  for  many  successive  nights. — ■ 
Throughout  this  trying  time,  I  had  as  good  health,  I 
think,  as  I  ever  had  in  my  life.  I  do  not  recollect  being 
the  least  unwell,  at  any  time.  Nothing  but  Divine  aid 
could  thus  ha^e  sustained  me. 

The  intense  trouble  and  distress  that  I  suffered  during 
these  times  can  never  be  told. 

About  this  time  or  probably  sooner,  I  went  down  to  the 
creek  accompanied  by  one  of  my  brothers  and  step  broth- 
er. I  had  an  irresistible  desire  to  go  in  the  water  that 
the  ordinanoo  of  baptism  might  be  administered,  but  I 
■was  prevented  much  against  my  will.  I  made  an  attempt 
to  go  in  the  water  atono  other  time  but  was  prevented. 
My  people  kept  such  a  close  watch  over  me  that  I  was 
not  able  to  do  in  this  matter  as  I  wished.  I  was  though 
still  desirous  that  the  ordinance  of  baptism  should  be  ad- 
ministered, and  thought  if  I  could  only  get  in  the  water 
that  it  was  all  I  wanted — that  I  could  then  administer  the 
ordinance  mysolf.  It  was  afterwards  impressed  on  ine 
that,  under  circumstances  like  mine,  any  mode  that  one 
lias  faith  in  will  answer,  be  it  sprinkling,  pouring  or  what 
not.  Notwithstanding,  I  believe  Baptism  to  bean  ordin- 
anoo  or  a  positive  law  ;  that  there  can  therefore  be  but 
one  mode,  and  that  under  ordinary  circumstances  we  can* 
not  obey  or  fulfill  this  ordinance  only  b}'  doing  just  what 
is  commanded.  We  saw  that  Moses  could  not  obey  at 
Kadesh  in  the  desert  of  Zin,  only  by  doing  just  what  was 
commanded.  Numerous  other  instances  might  bo  men- 
tioned— such  as  Saul  when  ho  was  sent  to  smite  the  AmeJU 
ekites  ;  institution  of  the  Passover,  &c,  besides  many 
others.  I  presume  though  enough  has  been  mentioned 
to  prove  this  point, 


114 

As  it  is  written  :  "If ye  love  God  ye  will  keep  his 
commandments."  I  therefore  believe  that  all  true  chris- 
tians will  have  a  desire  to  do  respecting  the  mode  of  bap- 
tism just  what  they  believe  to  be  commanded  of  God. 
How  carefully  then  we  should  study  the  Scriptures,  cast- 
ing aside  all  our  prejudices  and  prepossessed  opinions,  in 
order  that  we  may  find  oat  and  follow  the  true  mode  ! 

I  was  desirous  above  all  things  of  going  to  my  grand- 
father's, in  order  that  this  work  might  be  renewed,  but 
was  not  permitted.  My  parents  thought  it  was  studying 
that  ailed  me,  and  so  kept  all  books  away  from  me.  I 
was  not  even  permitted  to  read  the  Bible  itself.  I  had  an 
insatiable  desire  for  that  book,  and  wished  much  to  read 
it.  Upon  one  occasion  I,  by  some  means,  got  hold  of  a 
testament  and  applied  it  to  my  bosom.  Seemed  like  I  was 
being  possessed  of  its  truths;  there  was  a  pleasant  sensa- 
tion springing  up  in  my  bosom,  and  I  thought  by  holding 
the  book  thus  that  I  would  soon  get  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  it  without  the  trouble  of  studying,  and  likewise  much 
sooner  and  more  perfectly  than  I  could  otherwise  have 
done. 

There  was  a  pleasant  sensation  springing  up  in  my 
bosom,  and  I  thought  a  knowledge  of  the  Book  would 
thus  soon  be  imparted  to  me.  At  this  juncture  I  was 
•  discovered  bjr  one  of  my . brothers,  and  the  Book  for- 
cibly torn  away  from  me.  Oh  how  badly  it  hurt  me! 
Losing  a  fortune  of  millions  would  not  have  hurt  me 
half  so  much.  I  was  surely  doing  no  one  any  harm 
there  with  the  Book ;  and,  had  I  eventually  have  found 
that  I  was  not  getting  a  knowledge  of  the  Book  in  that 
way,  I  should  have  been  certain  to  have  taken  it  the 
slow  but  sure  way — by  reading.  I  have  always  regret- 
ted that  I  was  not  permitted  to  study    the    Scriptures 

■ 


115 

jbout  this  timo,  because  my  appetite  for  (;heni  was  so 
,crj  keen,  that  I  think  I  could  have  learned  them  much 
jitter  than  I  fear  I  shall  ever  bo  able  to  do  again. 

Talking  of  worldly  things  was  complete  physic  to 
jne.  My  solo  desire  was  to  get  back  under  the  balmy 
jjjoence  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  to  a  renewal  of  the 
fork  to  which  I  had  been  called. 

Because  I  could  not  see,  do  and  bclicre  as  others  did, 
fyas  considered  deranged  ;  and  the  report,  I  suppose, 
tfou  became  general,  that  I  was  deranged  from  study- 
g  books  or  some  other  cause.     That  I  did  get  into  a 
ecies  of  mania  I  will  admit,  but.  it  was  only  such  aa 
juld  result  from  taking  up  any  sane,  sound  man  and 
ufining  him.     You  may  counno  a  well  man,  and  it 
aill  assuredly  make  a  madman  of  him.     I  will  illus- 
trate this  a  little.     There  was  once  a  maniac,  or  at  least 
i  person  who  was  pronounced  a  fit  subject  for  tho  lu- 
natic asylum.     Accordingly  arrangements  were  mado 
for  his  reception,  and  one  of  his  friends  started  with  him 
ir  that  place.     They  soon  reached  the  city  aud  took 
lodging  at  a  hotel.     The  next  morning  the  supposed 
lunatic  got  up  very  early  and  took  the  paper  of  com- 
mitment out  of  his  friend's  pocket,  and   took  a  walk 
over  to  the  asylum.     Getting  there  ho  told  the   man- 
agers that  after  a  little  he  would  bring  them  a  sub- 
ject, and,  says  he,  he  will  be  certain  to  tell  you  that  I 
am  the  one ;  but  you  must  not  mind  that,  but  take  him 
and  take  care  of  him,  for  that  is  only  a  way  he  has  of 
doing.     Our  frieud  waking  up  and  finding  the  lunatic 
gone,  did  not  know  what  to  think  of  it;  but,  he  coming 
io  soon  afterwards,  all  was  right  again.     After  break- 
fast, he  asked  the  lunatic  if  he  would  take  a  walk  with 
him  :  he  told  him  he  would.     They  accordingly  took 
a  walk  over  to  the  asylum.    As  soon  as  they  got  there 


116 


1 


the  lunatic  said  to  the  managers  that  he  had  broQgfct 
them  that  man,  and  running  his  hand  in  his  pocW, 
pulled  out  and  handed  them  the  paj>er  of  commitment. 
They  forthwith  harnessed  on  to  him,  placed  the  straight 
jacket  on  him,  and  ushered  him  into  a  cell,  he  all  the 
time  hallooing  as  lustily  as  he  could,  that  he  was  not  the 
man  ;  that  the  other  man  was  the  one.     And  had  it  not 
been  that  the  relatives  of  the  parties  at  home  made  known 
the  true  state  of  things,  wo  do  not  know  where  the  if. 
fair  would  have^nded.     My  case  was  something  sir/fl. 
lar  to  the  above.     After  erring  in  those  three  important 
particulars  I  got  into  deeptrouWe.    This  though  I  think 
would  have  worn  off  after  a  little,  had  I  been  let  alone, 
I  think  about  this  time  I  ate  but  little,  or  perhaps  notiV 
ing  for  about  a  week ;  but  notwithstanding  this  I  did 
not  feel  the  least  inconvenience   from   it. ,  My  lather 
talked  of  giving  me  medicine,  thinkingthe  conditionof 
my  system  demanded  it,  but  Oh  how  badly  it  sounded 
to  me  !     I  knew  I  was  in  the  hands  of  one  who  doeth 
all  things  well.     During  this  time  I  had  not  the  least 
pain  nor  sickness  that  I  know  of,  which,  I  doubt  not, 
could  not  have  been  had  I  not  been  under  Divine  care. 
*At  length  one  day  I  got  to  playing  with  myfingurcsand 
hands  on  the  head  board  of  the  bed  where  I  \va9  laying. 
It  was  on  the  same  head  board  upon  which  that  bright 
Image   appeared  to  have  sat.     It  appeared  to  make  a 
pleasing  or  delightful  sound  to  me,  as  it  had  been  the 
^Eolian  harp.    I  was  doing  no  one  any  harm  that  I  know 
of,  neither  myself.     I  was  doing  this  merely  I  suppose 
for  pastime,  and  probably  would  soon  have  quit  it  of  my- 
self; but  my  father  being  solictious  for  my  welfare  had 
my  hands  tied  down,  as  he  afterwards  told  me,  for  feai 
that  I  would  hurt  them.  This  I  believe  was  the  first  check 
fhat  was  put  on  my. liberties.     It  soon  exasperated  nae, 


\ 

117 


jnd  caused  me  perhaps  to  say  grievous  things  agaiust 
the  family.  I  had  requested  peaceably  to  go  to  my 
grand  fathers  where  I  had  the  promise  of  having  these 
works  renewed,  but  was  not  permitted  to  do  so,  as  has 
already  been  stated,  but  instead  thereof  I  was  kept.* 
closely  shut  up  in  a  room,  and  society  to  a  great  ex-* 
tent  excluded.  Even  my  little  sisters  that  had  sung  tho 
^ng  "  Millennium  "  so  sweetly,  and  which  I  loved  so 
well,  (for  I  now  loved  them  better  than  I  ever  had 
done  before)  and  which  I  desired  so  much  to  be- with 
me,  were  not  permitted  to  come  about  me,  as  it  was 
gaid  by  some  of  the  family  that  they  were  afraid  I  would 
jjurt  them. 

I  was  also  desirous  of  going  fortli  to  spread  the  CJos- 
pel.  My  desire  for  this  at  one  time  in  particular,  was 
wry  great.  I  thought  I  could  have  conquered,  or  be*en 
the  m^ansor  converting  to  Christianity,  the  whole  earth 
jn  two  full  years.  Thero  were  also  other  things  of  im- 
portance on  my  mind  which  I  wished  to  get  out  to  see 
about.  With  all  these  momentous  things  on  my  mind 
Dow  could  it  be  expected  that  I  should  do  aud  act  as  I 
always  had  done  ?  If  it  will  make  a  man  a  maniac  or 
5 madman  to  confine  him  when  he  can  see  no  cause  for 
it,  what  was  it  calculated  to  do  in  my  case  ?  It  hurt  mo 
gcems  like  a  hundred  times  worse  if  possible,  to  be  pent 
op  at  that  timo  than  it  would  at  any  other  time,  and  be- 
cause I  could  not  be  calm  and  composed  under  these 
circumstances,  and  probably  talked  of  thiugs  that  the 
family  know  nothing  about  I  was  considered  beside 
myself.  This  may  be  compared  to  Festus'  judgment  of 
Paul  upon  a  certain  occasion  when  he  prouounccd  him 
to  be  mad  or  beside  himself. 

I  think  there  is  no  man,  under  the  circumstances,  af- 
ter disobeying  in  these  three  important  particulars,  that 


118 


could  have  come  out  any  better  than  I  did,  and  I  fLj  J 
the  chances  were  99  to  1  for  any  one  similarly  eitUa»  i 
to  have  lost  his  life  also.     I  don't  think  the  troubled 
Job  suffered,  although  very  grievous,  would  be-.; 
compare  with  mine.  e     ^ 

The  circumstance  of  my  brother  taking  the  teatan, 
away  from  me,  toother  with  other  things,  at  |„  *J 
<  auacd  me  to  believe  that  the  family  one  and  Jt||  3 
against  me,  and  were  for  destroying  the  work.  H  J? 
was  pleasi Dg  to  CJod  to  eall  me  to.  A  belief  of  thiskfcJ 
was  sufficient  to  have  broken  the  bonds  betwc,  ,, 
and  the  dearest  friend  upon  earth.  * 

After  I  got  to  believe  that  the  family  was  fl-,i,lst  ' 
and  were  for  destroying  these  works  I  becanm  it£j 
alienated  from  them,  and  the  very  persons  that  I  ,  J*' 
time  before  had  loved  so  we..,  that  I  would  Z  8t£* 
died  for,  I  now  considered  my  enemies,  and  even  J T 
grievous  words  against  them.  This  caused  me  t  t 
kept  m  closer  confinement,  as  muchlpresume  fort* 
personal  safety  as  any  thing  else.  '*" 

Bat  if  I  was  an  insane  or  mad  man  then  I  am  Mo» 
for  the  things  that  I  then  believed  t  yet   beln,  .      '  \ 

Bbancontmuetodosoaslongasbreithanin^;^ 
bod>       The  things  that    then    took   place   as   alJ 
Uescnbed    are    the   plainest   of  any   that   h L         f 
place  dunng  my  life,  and  I  never  expeet  to  for*,t 
so  long  as  I  live,     After  being  pent  up  sonm  t,   f        ^ 
I  was  turned  ont  as  healed.     In  this  time    my  en  ,    ^ 
asm  tor  religion  and  nearlyoverv  thing  else   had   7] 

i"  other, ,f  those  three  Important  p.rtlcutari  ul,va,|, 


119 

mentioned,  I  have  no  doubt   but   the   designs  of  God 

u0aW  DftVC  ^ecn  carr»cd  out,  and  would  thus  baa*  been 

gaving  of  much  trouble  to  myself,  as  well  as  to  my 

irents  and  others,  and  would  at  thotftuno  time  I  trust, 

live  been  of. some  benefit  to  the    human    family.     Or 

b*H  have  been  permitted  to  have  gone  to  my    grand 

others  all  I   think,  would    still    have  been    well.     My 

ylhcr  seeing  there  was  something  the  matter  with  me, 

.,1  doubt  thought  lie  could  do  a  better  part  by  me  than 

lU)d  be  done  there,   and    without   knowing    the    evil 

4  he  would  thus  inilict,  refused  to  let   me  go.     This 

ft4  natural.     I  blame  them  though  tor  guessing  at  the 

•  iiiaeot   my   troubles,  aud   treating    me    accordingly, 

then  they  were  entirely    mistaken.     During    all    this 

time  of  intense  trouble  and  mental  suffering,  I  had  the 

.^atest  love  for  the   people  of  God.     If  ifty   parents 

ll(j  rot  some  christian  person,  one  iuAvhom  I  ha*-' t(,1)- 

cJencc  as  a  christian,  to  have  convened  with  niC»  ">a 

-at  of  my  disease  could  soon  have   been  Aacovered; 

,t  dSifl  was  not  done. 

)f«  reasons  for  writing  thus  much  upon  this  latter  part 
mv  Bubjecl  is,  that  as  I  was  considered  deranged,  I 
jh  my  friends  and  others  geno rally  to  know  how  it 
JjjL  and  have  thus  been  particular  in  relating  it ;  but  it 
..vet  very  imperfect,  1  not  having  reUted  near  all  that 
|Bigfat bare  done.  My  narrative  trom  my  call  down 
.,iny  profoaaion  of  religion  is  tolerably  perfect,  or  at 
^laboot  as  near  so  as  I  can  --elate  it,  with  aome  four 
rfive  exceptions,  three  of  «'bich  arc  very  important; 
but  I  did  not  think  proper  to  insert  them  in  a  work  of 
this  kind,  and  have  therefore  omitted  them.  My  nar- 
from  that  time  down  to  the  close  is  Still  more  im- 
«rfect,I  not  having  related  all  that  1  might  have  doue 
,v »  great  deal.     All  takeu  together  would  fill  a  large 


.--. 


*! 


120 

book,  but  I  have  endeavored  to  mention  enough  of  the 
principal  things  so  us  to  bo  understood.  It  is  my  in- 
tention  some  time  or  other,  tho  Lord  willing,  to  write 
out  the  vn  hole.  I  will  though  for  the  present  let  the 
itrtain  fall  over  thin  part  of  my  narrative. 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

FURTHER  ACCOUNT. 

I  no*'  propose  going  back  and  mentioning  a  fow 
things  that  I  omitted. 

I,  nt  some  time  early  in  the  work,  or  soon  after  my 
call,  saw  in  a  vision  great  camion  guns.  1  could  see  did. 
tinetly  the  wheels  that  they  were  mounted  upou. 
Viecmcd  like  there  was  to  be  a  great  war,  or  great  tight- 
iugsomei-ay.  I  though  have  never  been  able  to  tell 
exactly  what  this  alluded  to,  or  what  it  should  mean.  I 
presume  I  should  have  known  all  about  it  had  myrais- 
sion  have  been  completed.  If  asked  if  I  saw  this  by  an 
eye  of  faith  or  with  my  natural  oye,  I  would  say  by  an 
eye  of  faith,  though  I  saw  them  as  plainly  as  if  I  had 
seen  them  with  my  natural  eve. 

The  lightning  anQ  the  two*  inages  of  God,  or  God  in 
person,  if  I  may  so  speak,  I  Saw  with  my  natural  eye  us 
plainly  as  I  ever  saw  the  sun  at  noon-dny. 

j  AM    TROUBLED    lit    A    VISION. 

II  presume  it  was  the  third  night  after  these  works 
Iftd  commenced  on  me,  I  saw  a  vision  that  troubled  me 
paeh . 

There  was  a  man  to  be  hung  at  Troy,  Montgomery 
|owuitT,  of  the  name  of  Naah,  I  believe.     I  seemed   to 


121 

have  been  impressed  on  that  I  should  go  there  to  keep 
him  from  being  hung,  or  at  all  events  that  he  ought  not 
to  be  hung.  The  night  after  he  was  hanged  I  saw  this 
vision.  Seemed  like  over  to  my  right  was  wrapped  in 
darkness,  or  at  least  it  appeared  of  a  shady  or  dark  color. 
All  of  God's  lights  appeared  to  be  put  out  except  one 
small  place  which  lay  in  the  direction  of  the  foot  of  the 
bed,  but  a  little  obliquely  to  the  right.  I  could  see 
devils   on  the  wall  to  my  right,  dancing  with  infernal 

joy- 

It  appeared  that  all  of  God's  lights  were  put  out  ex- 
cept that  one  small  place  which  was  represented  by  a 
golden  color,  and  these  devils  appeared  to  be  dancing 
over  it  for  joy.  I  was  in  a  great  deal  of  trouble  at  sec- 
iug  this  you  may  be  sure.  I  felt  as  if  I  was  almost  dead, 
and  these  devils  were  dancing  for  joy,  probably  at  see- 
ing God's  lights  so  nearly  put  out  and  over  my  prostrate 
condition  together.  I  was  deeply  involved  in  trouble 
but  lay  there  and  saw  it  all.  How  long  it  lasted  or  how 
it  went  away  I  now  cant  tell. 

When  I  heard  from  the  hanging  which  I  believe  was 
the  next  day,  or  at  all  events  in  a  day  or  two,  I  heaid 
that  this  young  man  protested  his  innocence  to  the  last ; 
and  also  that  the  first  time  they  swung  him  oft*  the  rope 
broke.  They  then  tied  him  up  again  and  the  next  time 
succeded  in  hanging  him.  I  was  not  surprised  to  hear 
of  the  rope  breaking,  but  I  was  sorry  to  hear  that  they 
tied  him  up  again  and  at  last  succeeded  in  hanging 
him.  I  thought  as  the  rope  had  broken  the  first  time 
that  he  ought  then  to  have  been  let  off.  Though  I  be- 
lieve he  was  generally  believed  to  have  been  guilty  of 
the  crime  for  which  he  was  hanged,  I  yet  believe  there 
is  something  wrong  about  it. 
Cb 


122 

ANOTHER  VISION. 


The  oue  that  I  am  now  a  going  to  give  an  acconnt  of 
I  dont  know  that  I  can  hardly  call  it  a  vision,  because  I 
saw  it  in  the  day  time  and  with  my  natural  eye  as  plain- 
ly as  I  ever  saw  any  thing.     But  without  being  part., 
cular  as  to  the  name  I  will  relate  what  I  saw.     I  was 
laving  on  a  bed  in  the  room  one  evening  probably  about  - 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon  or  perhaps  later,  and  I  saw 
immediately  on  the  wall  in  front  of  me  a  picture  as  of 
a  good  stout  boy.     The  personage  was  that  ot  a  fat  baby 
without  clothing  and  in  the  attitude  of  running  north 
-the  direction  of  the  wall.     The  color  was  a  v.vid  red 
though  a  deeper  red  than  red  hot  iron;   on  his   head 
there  wa.  something  like  a  breadtray;  upon  the  top  of 
ftat  there  was  a  wild  goose ;  and  on  the  top  of  that  there 
was  a  bull's  head  having  bonis;  all  appeared   to  be  of 
Te  same  vivid  red  color.    Immediately  to  the  right  of 
this  was  a  ball  about  the  size  of  a  half  dollar,   or  per- 
haps near  that  of  a  dollar,  with  a  streak  running  up- 
ward for  two  or  three  feet,  of  about  the  size  of  a  pipe 
stem      This  was  likewise  of  that  same  vivid  red  coloi . 
I  6aw  all  this  with  perfect  composure  not  *™K«g« 
„or  troubled  in  the  least  that  I  recollect  of.     After  re- 
Sfe*  there  for  sometime,  probably  a  ha  t  hour  per- 
hap   longer,  it  began  to  fade  away.     The  image  of  the 
tie  ho'faded  away  first,  then  the  tray  or  what  ever 
it  was  and  so  on.     The  last  thing  that  disappeared  was 
theTui?s  head  and  horns.  Whether  this  ball  and  streak 
tward  faded  away  at  the  same  time  I  do  not  now  re- 
collect hut  I  presume  they  did.    What  this  that  I  have 
described,  could  mean  I  can't  fully  tell,  for  the  object 
ofatl  was  not  made  known  to  me.     The  bread     ray 
wnuVooseaiid-bull'shead  were  for  emblems  which  I 


128 

deem  unnecessary  to  mention  here,  The  balance  I  dont 
know  what  they  were  for  unless  they  were  to  add  force 
and  character  to  these  three  as  emblems.  It  was  re- 
presented to  mc  that,  had  this  streak  from  the  ball  have 
extended  downward  instead  of  upward,  that  instant 
combustion  would  have  taken  place.  I  will  state  here 
that  there  was  a  sign  of  this  streak  on  the  wall  for 
years  afterwards.  It  left  a  whitish  staiu  and  was  there 
a  year  or  two  ago. 

A  REVELATION. 

I  will  give  the  reader  an  account  of  a  revelation,  or 
what  I  experienced  in  one  of  those  lessons  as  I  have 
been  calling  them.  I  was  laying  in  the  room  on  a  bed 
(the  same  room  where  I  had  seen  all  those  visions,  &c, 
with  the  exception  of  those  of  the  first  night,)  and  there 
came  over  a  gentleman  to  see  me.  He  sat  and  talked 
with  my  father  in  a  passage  near  where  I  was  laying. 
Whilst  Faying;  here*  I  commenced  reflecting  on  a  cir- 
cumsiance  that  had  occurred  between  this  gentleman1 
and  myself.  He  had  once  told  a  falsehood  and  proved 
himself  right  by  another  person,  which  did  not  help  the 
mat  er  much.  I  was  loser  by  this  to  a  small  amount. 
After  awhile  my  father  came  in  the  room  where  I  was, 
and  said  that  such  a  gentleman,  naming  him,  had  come 
and  wished  to  see  me.  I  told  him  that  I  did  not  wish 
to  see  him  at  that  time,  and  requested  that  he  should 
not  come  in  the  room  where  I  was,  and  also  I  believe 
requested  that  no  one  else  should  come  in  to  disturb 
me.  In  the  meantime,  God  I  believe  had  commenced 
making  known  to  mc  some  things  concerning  this 
matter  between  this  gentleman  and  myself,  and  that 
was  the  reason  that  I  did  not  wish  to  be  disturbed. 
And  in  order  that  I  might  not  be  disturbed  by   this 


124 


gentleman  nor  my  father  coming  in  the  room,  I  got  up 
and  proped  the  door  after  him.     As  I  lay  on  the  bed  I 
fell  into  a  trance  and  God  began  to  make  known  to  me 
some  things   relative  to  this  matter.     I    thought  this 
gentleman  was  to  sutler  death  for  thus  telling  a  lie,  and 
I  thought  I  heard  a  knife  being  made  in   the   shop  as 
plainly  as  I  ever  heard  any  thing  in  my  life,  with  which 
to   cut  his  throat.     Notwithstanding  I  had  requested 
my  father  not  to  come  in  the  room,  he  came  and  pushed 
open  the  door  and  came  in,  remarking  that  he  could 
open  the  door.     If  it  had  been  this  other  gentleman, 
that  had   come    in    after    I   had    requested   that    he 
should  stay  out,  I  was  to  have   gotten   up  and   moved 
my  right  hand  down  obliquely  across  him  at  which  he 
was  to  have  fallen  down  dead  as  did  Ananias.     But  I 
did  not  want  him  to  come  in  the  room,  and  so  alter  my 
father  went  out  I  got  up  and  shut  the  door,  and  proped 
it  again.     It  was,- seem  like  with  the  utmost  difficulty 
that  I  could  shake  off  this  spell  enough  to  get  up,  but 
I  made  out  to  do  so  and  proped  the  door  good  this  time, 
and  then  went  and  lay  down  again.     Soon  after  laying 
down  the  chair  with  which  the  door  was  proped  commenc- 
ed cracking,  like  it  was  strained.     It  was  made  known  to 
me  that  God  could  open  the  door  though  it  was  proped, 
and  it  appeared  that  if  I  had  not  believed  this,  that  the 
chair  would  instantly  have  been  broken  in   pieces  and 
the  door   opened,    but  I   believed   and   the   cracking 
ceased.     I  believe  I  told  you  about  hearing  the  hammer 
going  to  make  the  knife  with  which  to  kill  this  gentle- 
man.    I  could  hear  the  hammer  in   the   distance  as 
plainly  as  I  ever  heard  it  in  a  shop  in  my  life,  and  it 
appeared  that    this    gentleman's    throat   was    to   be 
cut  and  he  pitched  into  outer  darkness.     Although  it 
was  represented  to  me  that  he  should  have  been  put  to 


death,  it  was  now  by  a  deep  and  mysterious  revelation 
made  appear  to  me  that  he  should  not  be  put  to  death, 
and  so  the  matter  ended. 

I  am  not  able  fully  to  tell  the  meaning  of  the  forego- 
ing revelation,  and  I  do  not  know  that  it  is  necessary 
for  me  to  know.  I  presume  it  had  the  desired  effect 
on  me,  let  it  have  been  what  it  may. 

This  gentleman  was  a  professor  of  religion,  and  was 
also  in  the  church  ;  and  it  was  probably  from  that  cir- 
cumstance that  his  crime  was  represented  to  me  as  be- 
ing so  wicked  as  to  be  worthy  of  death. 

This  revelation  being  upon  a  separate  subject  I  have 
been  able  to  give  it  entire,  or  at  least  as  much  so  as  I 
am  able.  I  though  can't  begin  to  express  it  in  words 
just  as  it  was,  or  as  it  appeared  to  me.  The  balance  of 
the  revelations  that  I  experienced  were  mostly  upon 
one  subject,  or  one  continuous  subject  as  it  were,  and 
are  therefore  mixed  and  blended  together  in  such  a 
way  that  I  am  not  able  to  give  any  of  them  eutire  and 
separate.  The  foregoing  is  the  only  one  that  I  can 
give  a  separate  account  of. 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

GENERAL  REVIEW. 

Well  my  friends  you  have  heard  my  story  all  through. 

Now  to  prove  that  the  foregoing  is  no  fabrication  of 
my  own,  I  will  mention  the  following  incidents. 

In  the  first  place  I  will  here  remark  that  I  have  re- 
lated these  things  in  the  main  as  herein  set  forth,  to  pro. 
bably  an  hundred  persons  from  the  date  of  their  occur- 
rence down  to  the  present  time.  To  some  I  have  re- 
lated one  part,  and  to  others,  another,  but  at  the  same 


lis 

time  I  d;  n't  suppose  that  anv  thing  that  I  have  thus 
related  to  my  friepda  will  conflict  with  any  thing  that 
!s  herein  set  forth. 

And  to  prove  farther  that  the  effect  of  what  I  then 
experienced  has  been  on  me  for  some  time,  and  that  I 
have  been  trying  to  get  a  part  at  least,  of  these  things 
accomplished,  I  refer  to  the  following. 

Some  four  years  ago,  Dr.  John  Shaw  and  Col.  "VVra. 
B.  Richardson  were  candidates  for  the  General  As- 
sembly. The  subject  of  slavery  or  treatment  of  serv- 
ants, having  been  on  my  mind  for  a  great  while,  and 
as  yet  nothing  done  towards  providing  for  their  better 
treatment,  and  which  I  thought  should  be  done,  I  set 
down  and  wrote  each  of  these  gentlemen  a  letter  stat- 
ing some  certain  laws  that  I  was  desirous  of  seeing 
passed,  and  among  them  was  that  relative  to  slavery 
which  in  the  main,  I  believe,  was  put  down  as  herein 
B2t  forth.  I  desired  an  answer  from  each,  intending  to 
vote  for  the  one  that  cams  nearest  my  views/  As  it 
was  but  a  short  time  before  the  election,  it  so  turned 
out  that  I  did  not  get  an  answer  from  either  of  the  gen- 
tlemen, and  so  I  did  not  vote  for  either. 

And  further,  at  the  next  sitting  of  the  last  Legislature, 
when  Messrs  W.  D.  Dowd  and  Alex.  Kelly  were  mem- 
bers from  Moore,  I  wrote  to  them  concerning  the  same 
subject,  and  among  other  laws  that  I  was  desirous  of 
seeing  passed  was  that  for  the  better  treatment  of  ser- 
vants, in  the  main  as  herein  set  forth. 

These  gentlemen,  though  concurring  in  at  least  a  por- 
tion of  my  views,  said  there  was  such  a  press  of  other  bu- 
siness, and  my  letter  too  coming  somewhat  late  in  the 
session,  that  they  could  not  attend  to  it.  So  with  these 
remarks  I  hope  the  reader  will  at  least  conclude  that  I 
have  been  conscientious  in  saying  what  I  have  upon 
the  subject  of  elavery, 


Bat  it  may  bs  argued  that  as  I  had  got  into  such  ft 
troubled  state  of  mind,  as  has  already  been  described, 
that  I  may  b9  conscientious  in  relating  what  I  have  and 
at  the  same  time  be  mistaken.     In  answer  to  this  I  wil 
here  state  that  the  most  of  the  things  that  I  experienced 
and  have  herein  set  forth,  took  place  before  I  got  into 
that  distressed  state  of  mind  and  I  therefore  think  there 
is  no  just  ground,  for  that  belief.     It  is  true  I  experi- 
enced some  deep  trouble  whilst  being  led  in  those  deep 
and  mysterious  waters,  and  being  submitted  to  trial  as 
it  were,  to  prove  whether  or  not  I  was  suitable  for  the 
arduous  undertaking.     But  at   length  I  was  lead  to  a 
clear  sunshine  a  3  it    were,  where  there  appeared  to  be 
no  difficulties,  and  I  there  erred  in  the  discharge  of  du- 
ties the  performance  of  which,  I  have  no  doubt,  would 
have  been  comparatively  easy  to  some  that  I  had  been 
brought  through,  as  has   been   before   stated.     It  was 
then  that  deep  and  unutterable   trouble    set   in.     The 
trouble  that  I  experienced  previous  to  that  time,  though 
at  some  few  times,  very  great,  yet  was  uot  so  distressing, 
from  the  fact  that  Divine  aid  was  with  me  and  I  was 
soon  helped  over  them..    Although  the  latter  part  was 
truly  a  distressing  time  to  me,  yet,  God  has  blessed  me 
with  a  perfect  retention  of  memory,  and  I  recollect  all 
the  important  things  that  took   place   throughout,  as 
well  as  many  or  most,  of  the  smaller. 

Again  my  professing  religion  in  about  twelve  hours 
after  my  call  may,  I  think,  be  considered  some  evidence 
that  I  was  called  in  a  miraculous  manner  and  intended 
for  a  special  purpose.  My  profession  was  attended 
with  power,  such  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  doubt  for 
a  moment  since,  of  its  perfect  genuineness;  though  I 
>have  sined  and  done  many  things  not  right  since. 

That  I  must  have  been  called  and  for  a  special  pur- 
pose, I  think  is  evident  from  the  following : 


1£S 

Unless  I  had  been  called  of  Grod  for  a  special  purpose 
I  think  it  appears  singular  that  I  should  have  been 
called  apparently  in  favor  with  God  within  a  few  mo- 
ments or  minutes  after  my  call,  and  also  that  I  should, 
thus  have  been  called,  and  have  had  the  wonderful 
works  of  God  placed  on  me  while  I  was  yet  in  my  sins 
as  it  were.  Though  as  I  have  elsewhere  remarked,  I 
felt  the  burden  and  weight  of  sin  which  I  believe  began 
gradually  to  be  removed,  and  from  that  time  until  I 
professed  I  felt  easy  and  contented  as  to  a  future  state. 
But  I  had  not  as  yet  experienced  that  outpouring  of 
the  spirit,  and  felt  that  inexpressible  joy  such  as  the 
convert  feels  ;  but  still  I  had  experienced  a  very  great 
change,  such  probably  as  I  should  have  taken  for  reli- 
gion had  T  experienced  no  greater  change,  as  has  been 
elsewhere  stated. 

And  further,  when  I  came  from  Carthage  there  was 
nothing  of  the  kind  that  I  know  of  upon  me.  I  acted 
pretty  much  as  I  always  had  done,  only  I  may  perhaps 
have  been  more  cheerful  than  usual,  owing  to  causes 
already  mentioned.  I  will  here  remark  that  I  talked 
of  going  that  night  with  the  boys  a  fishing,  .but  my 
father  wished  me  to  remain  with  him,  and  I  did  so.  * 
will  also  remark  that  I  had  never  been  a  serious  seek- 
er of  religion.  I  had  never  so  much  as  been  in  an 
altar  to  be  prayed  for,  though  I  had  been  impressed  on 
that  it  was  my  duty  to  go,  but  I  had  never,  that  I  know 
of,  been  very  seriously  impressed  upon  the  subject  of 
religion.  It  is  true  I  sometimes  had  had  some  impres- 
sions, but  they  had  generally  worn  off  without  leaving 
any  very  serious  effect.  I  will  mention  one  of  these. 
Probably  some  three  or  four  years  previous  to  the  time 
of  which  I  am  now  speaking,  I  was  at  a  neighbor's  at 
a  corn  shucking.     "We  had  finished  the  corn   and   had 


123 


gone  down  to  the  house,  and  I  think  had  also  eaten 
supper.  At  all  events  the  most  of  the  company  were 
standing  in  the  hall  part  of  the  house.  It  was  about 
the  time  that  Miller,  the  supposed  prophet,  had  predic- 
ted that  the  world  was  to  he  at  an  end,  the  conversa- 
tiun  turned  upon  this  subject.  At  length  the  gentle- 
man of  the  house  started  to  get  one  of  Miller's  pam- 
■  phlets,  describing  this  prediction.  About  this  time  I 
began  seriously  to  reflect  on  my  case,  knowing  that  I 
would  certainly  be  lost  were  this  thing  to  come  as  pre- 
dicted, and  find  me  in  my  present  condition!  The  con- 
sequence was  I  soon  began  to  feel  sick,  and  the  first 
thing  I  knew  I  was  down  on  the  floor,  and  several  per- 
sons around  shaking  me  ;  I  had  fainted.  This  though, 
I  believe  soon  wore  off  without  leaving  any  very  lasting 
impression. 

I  was  what  the  world  might  call  a  moralist,  and 
though  a  great  sinner,  there  were  some  sins,  such  as 
cursing,  swearing,  &c,  that  I  was  a  stranger  to. 

It  is  also,  I  think,  evident  that  the  works  that  I  ex- 
perienced were  not  necessary  for  the  salvation  of  one 
soul  alone  ;  and  it  is  also  evidentthat  what  I  experienced 
was  out  of  the  line  of  common  experience,  or  such  as 
people  commonly  experience  in  the  profession  of  reli- 
gion. Hence  I  think  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  as  I  had 
experienced  more  than  common  that  tl.e  e  was  al- 
so something  more  than  common  intended  by  it. 

It  was  told  me  why  it  was  that  I  had  experienced 
more  than  was  common — such  as  seeing  the  lightning, 
image  or  person  of  God,  hearing  those  sounds,  deep 
revelations,  &c.  It  was  to  endue  me  with  strong  faith, 
it  being  represented  to  me  that  I  had  a  difficult  road  to 
pass  through,  and  that  it  was  necessary  that  my  faith 
should  thus  be  strong  in  order  that  I  might  hold  out  to 


180 


the  end  of  the  journey.-  Asl  have  elsewhere  said,  there 
was  nothing  of  a  compulsory  nature  used  towards  me 
in  this  work,  but  all  appeared  to  be  left  to  my  own 
choice  ;  therefore  unless  my  faith  had  been  strong,  I 
should  have  been  more  apt  to  have  deviated  from  the 
path  of  duty.  And  though  my  faith  was  as  strong  seem 
like  as  it  could  well  be,  it  appeared  to  be  with  the  great- 
est difficulty  that  the  work  could  be  accomplished.  My 
faith  or  regard  for  these  works  at  that  time  was  so  great 
that  I  believe  I  would  have  died  before  I  would  have 
surrendered  them.  I  will  here  remark  that  the  difficul- 
ty, &c.,  of  the  road  was  kept  concealed,  and  I  only 
knew  that  it  was  difficult  by  passing  over  it,  or  after  I 
had  passed  over  it,  it  was  then  that  the  object  of  my 
having  been  so  greatly  wrought  upon  was  made  known 
to  me,  and  not  before  I  commenced  the  journey. 

It  was  also  at  some  time  during  the  work  made  known 
to  me  that  no  one,  since  the  days  of  Christ  and  the 
Apostles,  had  experienced  such  works  as  I  had,  and 
unless  they  have  in  a  little  over  fourteen  years,  I  don't 
suppose  they  yet  have. 

•  I  will  state  here  that  I  attribute  my  professing  reli- 
gion so  early  as  the  twelve  hours  from  the  beginng  of 
my  call,  to  the  family  disturbing  me,  and  bearimg  me 
to  bed,  as  has  been  before  described.  Whether  or  not 
I  should  otherwise  have  professed  so  soon,  I  am  un- 
able to  say.  I  was  at  that  time  under  Divine  influence 
and  had  a  pleasant  sensation  upon  me,  such  as  I  can't 
describe. 

As  I  have  elsewl*ere  remarked  that,  that  calmness 
and  serenity  of  disposition  that  I  experienced,  I  should 
probably  have  taken  for  religion  had  I  experienced  no 
greater  change,  for  sin  had  not  appeared  to  be  in  my 
way  from  the  time  that  I  felt  its  burden,  as  a  weight 


131 

on  my  breast  removed.  This  burden  remained  but  a 
short  time  and  did  not  trouble  me  much  from  the  fact 
that  I  was  soon  helped  over  it. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem  I  slied  not  a  tear  nor  made 
a  moan  for  my  sins  that  I  know  of  from  the  time  of  my 
call  to  profession  of  religion.  And  when  I  had  a  vision 
of  that  horrible  place,  hell,  I  had  not  fhe  bast  fears  i  or 
apprehensions  so  far  as  my  own  personal  safety  was 
concerned. 

And  again  to  prove  that  this  could  not  possibly  have 
been  a  mental  delusion  I  refer  to  my  profession  of  re- 
ligion, and  in  so  short  a  space;  of  time  from  the  time  of 
beginning;  for  who  ever  heard  of  a  single  instance  of 
any  one  under  mental  delusion  professing  veligion,  and 
in  the  short  space  of  time  too  of  twelve  hours  from  the 
time  of  commencement  thereof.  Is  not  this  circum- 
stance enough  to  prove  that  my  case  was  an  extra- 
ordinary one,  and  that  I  was  operated  upon  with 
unusual  power. 

And  farther  if  I  was  under  mental'delusion  how  is  it 
that  I  have  a  perfect  retention  of  memory  throughout. 
Many  of  these  things  that  I  recollect  and  have  herein 
set  forth  arc  also  recollected  by  the  members  of  the 
family  ;  we  do  not  difler  as  to  our  belief  concerning 
these  things,  but  recollected  them  in  the  main  precisely 
alike.  As  we  recollect  these  things  alike,  why  will 
not  my  judgment  do  to  depend  on  concerning  tilings 
that  they  have  forget  ten,  or  such  as  they  never  knew? 
And  farther,  to  prove  that  this  was  a  work  of  God  that 
was  upon  me  I  will  mention  some  important  truths 
that  were  made  known  to  me  at  some  time  during  my 
travel. 

It  was  made  known  to  me  that  the  reason  that  we 
can  use  oar  right  hand  better  th-iu  our  left  is,  tint  Gju 


132 

will  save  his  elect  on  his  right  hand,  we  having  this 
visble  sign  in  our  bodies  to  teach  us  that  such  will  cer- 
tainly be  the  case.  As  the  rainbow  is  a  sign  that  the 
earth  will  not  again  be  destroyed  by  water,  so  is  this  a 
sign  that  God  will  save  his  elect  on  his  right  hand. 
The  circumstance  of  the  rainbow  was  not  made  known 
in  connection  therewith,  but  is  merely  a  comparison 
of  my  own.     Another  : 

I  was  greatly  operated  upon  respecting  the  Roman 
Catholic  church,  and  from  what  I  experienced  I  have 
indubitable  reasons  for  believing  that  that  church,  as  it 
now  exists,  is  not  acceptible  to  God.     Another  : 

I  at  some  time  during  my  travel,  but  now  can't  tell 
the  exact  time,  became  impressed  with  the  idea  that  I 
could  impart  the  Holy  Ghost  by  laying  on  of  hands; 
and  al  o  that  by  standing  in  front  of  a  person  and  put- 
ting the  inside  tips  of  my  thumbs  and  fingures  to  the 
corresponding  ones  of,  the  other  person,  that  I  could 
have  imparted  other  important  gifts.  I  will  here  re- 
mark that  at  that  time  I  don't  think  I  was  well  enough 
to  read  in  the  scriptures  to  recollect  that  the  Apostles 
had,  by  laying  on  of  hands,  imparted  the  Holy  Ghost. 

I  will  mention  one  other. 

Lbecame  impressed,  perhaps  by  revelation,  that  eve- 
ry man,  woman  and  child  is  possessed  with  the  inate 
principle  of  God  and  devil,  so  as  to  answer  in  the  same 
place  of  a  personal  God  and  devil.  For  instance,  if  you 
pray  to  God  the  spirit  ot  God  that  is  in  you  hears  and  an- 
swers this  prayer  the  same  as  if  God  in  person  were 
to  attend  to  it,  and  that  you  can  thus  seek  and  obtain 
religion  the  same  as  if  God  were  personally  to  attend  to 
you.  Resist  the  devil  and  he  will  flee  from  you.  Be 
ye  therefore  perfect  even  as  your  Father  which  is  in 
heaven  is  perfect.     You  can  thus,  I  think,  practice  the 


ids 


wcn-ks  of  God  and  grow  in  grace  until  this  wicked  spirit 
will  become  almost,  or  quite,  extinct. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  if  you  cultivate  the  evil  spirit, 
and  neglect  the  good  Spirit,  you  will  grow  in  wicked- 
ness, and  it  will  eventually  choke  or  destroy  the  good 
Spirit.  Then  will  be  fulfilled  that  which  is  written 
"My  spirit  shall  not  always  strive  with  man."  The 
Spirit  of  God  will  take  its  everlasting  flight,  and  that 
man  or  that  woman  be  given  up  to  a  state  of  eternal 
reprobation.  To  make  my  position  plainer  I  will  state 
that  I  believe  there  to  be  as  many  Gods  and  devils  as 
there  are  human  beings,  each  man  and  each  woman 
possessing  this  mate  principle  of  God  and  devil  as 
aforesaid. 

And  I  further  believe  that  a  personal  God  or  a  person- 
al devil  has  but  very  little  to  do  with  the  salvation  of 
man  in  the  one  case,  or  his  destruction  in  the  other.  I 
will  illustrate  this  a  little.  We  will  say  that  a  man  makes 
a  machine  for  the  performance  of  any  work  whatever. 
It  is  made  after  his  own  model  and  fashions  the  work 
according  to  his  own  will.  So  I  compare  the  plan  of  sal- 
vation upon  man,  or  for  man  to  a  machine  that  is  con- 
tinually going,  and  will  shape  Godliness  if  the  person  for 
■whom  it  is  operating  is  willing  or  desirous  that  such 
should  be  the  case,  and  will  come  within  prescribed 
limits.  But  at  the  same  time  if  they  do  not  obey  the 
promptings  of  the  Spirit,  and  will  not  come  within  pre- 
scribed limits,  it  will  shape  their  destruction  or  ruin  ;  it 
chapes  Godliness  or  ruin,  heaven  or  hell  so  to  speak,  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  the  person  for  whom  it  is  operating. 

God  is  desirous  that  it  should  shape  Godliness  or 
Salvation  for  all,  and  impresses  on  them  all  to  that  effect; 
but  at  the  same  time  it  Avill  shape  ruin  should  the  per- 
son for  whom  it  is  operating  desire  such,  or  even  neglect 


134 

to  do  his  part.  I  will  remind  all  that  I  believe  this  ma- 
chine as  is  now  running  is  shaping  for  every  man  and 
woman  in  the  land  salvation  or  destruction — heaven  or 
hell  as  it  were.  How  important  it  is  then  that  we  at- 
tend to  it  and  have  it  to  shape  for  us,  the  thing  we  so 
much  need.  This  plan  of  Salvation,  or  machine  as  I 
compare  it  to,  is  always  and  eternally  going  the  same; 
so  that  one  can  get  religion  at  any  time  and  any  place  as 
well  as  another.  Wherever  you  go  this  Spirit  of  God 
is  still  with  you,  and  oftentimes  striving  to  win  you  over. 
Although  God  is  represented  as  being  omnipotent  and 
omniscient,  I  think  it  would  be  quite  a  task  for  him  to 
attend  personally  to  all  the  little  things  of  this  world. 
I  will  remark  here  that  according  to  the  plan  mention- 
ed, I"  believe  it  is  worked  according  to  his  will  as  though 
He  were  personally  to  attend  to  all  these  things;  it  is 
only  a  way  He  has  to  work  his  will  so  to  speak.  A 
machine  that  does  work  according  to  the  will  of  the 
owner,  does  not  always  require  his  presence  in  order  to 
do  the  work  :  so  I  think  with  the  plan  of  salvation.  I 
will  here  remark  that  I  do  not  believe  that  the  two 
Spirits,  good  and  evil,  can  exist  in  union  in  man ;  and 
that  they  are  therefore  constantly  battling  for  the  as- 
cendancy, and  that  eventually  one  or  the  other  will 
predominate  to  the  utter  exclusion  of  the  other. 

I  think  I  have  reasons  for  the  believing  as  I  do  upon 
this  subject,  and  unless  I  had  believed  it,  I  should  not 
have  put  it  forth. 

Before  closing  this  part  of  my  subject  I  wish  to  make 
a  few  remarks  upon  a  subject  that  I  have  not  treated 
upon  as  fully  as  I  wished. 

The  reader  has  doubtless  noticed,  at  different  times 
and  places  through  the  book,  where  it  is  mentioned, 
"  things  were  revealed  to   me,"  "things  were  made 


135 

known  to  mo,  "  &c.  These  terms  are  very  nearly  allied 
to  each  other.  Perhaps  you  may  wish  to  know  how 
they  were  revealed  or  made  known  to  me,  as  the  caso 
may  be.  When  things  of  importance,  and  where  they 
required  much  length  of  time,  were  being  revealed  to 
me,  I  was  in  a  kind  of  a  trance  as  has  been  elsewhere 
stated;  and  I  presume  pretty  much  insensible  to  all 
objects  except  the  one  in  which  I  was  immediately  con- 
cerned. At  such  times  I  don't  suppose  I  moved  a  hand 
or  a  foot  in  the  time,  but  lay  perfectly  still.  When 
things  were  revealed  to  me  or  my  mind  enlightened  on 
any  particular,  there  was  no  audible  voice  used.  It 
appeared  to  flow  into  my  breast  creating  a  perceptible 
but  not  an  unpleasant  sensation.  Though  there  was 
no  voice  used  I  thought  it  was  the  plainest  talking  that 
I  had  ever  experienced.  I  don't  recollect  hearing  any 
sounds  of  a  supernatural  kind  after  the  first  night  of 
my  call,  except  the  cracking  of  the  chair,  hammer  in 
the  distance,  rapping  at  the  door,  and  some  others  that 
I  heard  upon  one  other  occasion,  but  which  I  will  not 
mention  here,  inasmuch  as  I  have  not  mentioned  the 
incident  connected  therewith.  These  lessons  or  revela- 
tions as  I  have  called  them,  would  last  probably  half  an 
hour,  or  probably  as  long  as  an  hour,  whether  longer  or 
shorter  I  can't  tell.  I  only  know  that  they  were  some- 
times of  pretty  smart  duration.  But  I  think  I  have 
many  times  been  enlightened  upon  subjects  when  I  wa3 
not  in  trance  as  it  were.  These,  though  I  think,  were 
always  of  short  duration.  I  mean  they  were  not  long 
in  being  made  known  to  me. 

With   these  remarks  I  leave  this  part  of  the  subject 
with  the  reader. 


130 
CHAPTER   XVIII. 

CONCLUSION. 

We  now  come  to  take  our  last  view  of  the  matter, 
and  in  doing  so  I  wish  once  more  to  urge  upon  you,  my 
countrymen,  the  great  dangers  by  which  we  are  now 
surrounded  as  a  nation  and  people,  and  the  great  im- 
portance of  putting  a  stop  to  this  war  in  someway — by 
going  back  into  the  Union  if  it  can't  be  done  in  any 
other  way.  I  know  this  will  sound  badly  to  a  great 
many  persons,  but  the  two  evils,  going  back  into  the 
Union,  or  risking  the  chance  of  lighting  through,  are 
now  upon  us,  and  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  things 
will  eventually  have  to  be  done  before  these  difficulties 
can  be  settled.  It  is  now  too  late  to  take  steps  to  avoid 
these  difficulties.  If  our  public  men  could  now  be  back 
at  the  starting  point  of  these  difficulties,  with  the  expe- 
rience that  they  now  have,  they  would,  I  think  take 
more  pains  to  avoid  this  war,  but  it  is  now  too  late. 
The  war  is  upon  us,  and  certain  it  is  that  we  can't  long 
exist  as  a  nation,  neither  the  North  nor  the  South,  in  a 
war  carried  on  upon  such  a  gigantic  scale  as  the  present 
one  is. 

With  the  terrible  blow  that  has  already  been  stricken, 
and  with  the  prospect  of  future  difficulties  ahead,  I  think 
it  a  deplorable  case  whether  we  succeed  in  building  up 
this  Southern  Confederacy,  or  whether  we  eventually 
have  to  go  back  into  the  old  Union:  in  either  case  both 
sections  of  the  country  will  be  clad  in  mourning  for  ma- 
ny days  to  come.  I  think  of  the  two  evils,  we  should 
choose  the  less,  and  try  and  put  an  end  to  this  terrible 
civil  war — this  great  and  bloody  struggle. 

For  the  war  threatens  soon  to  rage  with  more  fury 


1ST 


than  ever,  and  our  young  men  of  both  sections  Nvill 
probably  soon  be  cut  down  and  scattered  to  and  fro  like 
leaves  driven  by  the  Autumn  wind. 

We  have  a  terrible  foe  of  more  than  two  to  one  to 
contend  against,  besides  a  large  floating  population — I 
mean  emigrants  coming  from  Europe  and  other  coun- 
tries; we  have  none.  They  also  have  a  large  and  pow- 
erful navy;  we  as  good  as  none.  They  also  have  in 
their  possession  and  cut  off  from  us  together  some  of 
our  most  fertile  lands.  And  if  under  these  circum- 
stances we  conquer,  the  God  of  battles,  I  think,  must 
certainly  be  with  us. 

As  I  said  before  it  will  be  a  bad  case  should  we  even- 
tually have  to  go  back  in  the  old  union,  and  it  is  I  think 
also  a  bad  chance  to  risk  the  chance  of  fighting  through 
with  this  great  odds  against  us.  I  think  under  the  cir- 
cumstances it  becometh  us  as  a  philanthropic  people, 
to  choose  of  the  two  evils  the  one  that  we  consider  best 
for  the  present  and  rising  generations,  for  time  and  for 
eternit}'.  I  think  under  th*  circumstances,  we  had  best 
put  a  stop  to  this  war  for  the  present  by  going  back 
into  the  Union  ;  and  should,  time  demonstrate  that  we 
can't  live  well  together,  let  us  separate  by  compromise  ; 
there  is  no  need  of  having  fighting  about  it.  We  have 
territory  enough  for  two  great  and  powerful  countries, 
if  our  people  would  divide  and  settle  it  up,  instead  of 
killing  up  each  other  in  cruel  wars.  I  will  take  occa» 
sion  to  remark  here  that  if  our  tariff  and  system  of  trade 
to  the  North  and  to  Europe  had  continued  the  same, 
that  I  believe  much  would  have  been  gained  to  the  South 
by  peaceable  secession.  But  at  the  same  time,  I  be- 
lieve by  passing  laws,  some  such  as  has  already  been 
mentioned,  and  to  a  certain  extent  adopting  a  non  in- 
tercourse with  the  North,  and  doing  our   trade   direct 


m 

to  Europ«,  that  ^11  the  advantages  of  secession  might 
have  heen  secured  to  us,  and  we  yet  have  remained  in 
the  Union,  and  at  the  same  time  have  created  no  un- 
friendly feeling  towards  the  Northern  people,  ©r  at  all 
events  no  unfriendly  feeling  of  a  serious,  nature.  As 
I  have  said  elsewhere,  I  was  for  passing  these  laws  not 
as  a  retaliatory  step  towards  the  Northern  people  for 
what  they  have  done,  but  I  think  it  was  actually  neces- 
sary for  our  well  being  as  a  people.  The  North  had 
been  getting  too  much  of  our  substance,  and  I  think 
there  should  have  been  some  way  devised  to  put  a  stop 
to  it. 

I  will  here  remark  again,  that  under  the  circum- 
stances, I  think  it  best  to  put  a  stop  to  this  war  by  go- 
ing back  into  the  Union  as  aforesaid,  for  the  following 
reasons.  In  the  first  place,  you  will  please  permit  me 
to  say  again,  that  I  do  not  believe  the  causes  were  jus- 
tifiable of  secession.  In  the  second  place,  I  do  not  think 
secession  was  properly  conducted ;  if  we  chose  to  secede, 
I  think  we  should  have  done  so  by  the  popular  vote. 
In  the  third  place,  I  do  not  think  the  institution  of 
slavery  as  it  now  exists,  will  do.  to  risk  a  revolution 
upon.  I  say  this  notwithstanding  I  am  the  owner  of 
servants  myself.  And  in  the  fourth  and  last  place,  I  do 
not  believe  we  can  accomplish  what  we  have  under- 
taken to  do.  I  therefore  think  we  had  best  go  back 
into  the  Union,  and  go  soon,  for  I  see  no  use  in  holding 
out,  and  having  a  great  many  of  our  young  men  kill- 
ed up,  and  then  eventually  have  to  go  back.  I  have 
•been  candid  and  sincere  in  speaking  upon  this  subject 
as  I  have,  and  if  I  have  said  any  thing  not  agreeable  to 
the  reader,  I  will  inform  him  that  it  is  the  solemn  dic- 
tates of  my  bosom,  founded  upon  things  already  mention- 
ed, together  with  a  desire  of  soon  seeing  the  evils  of  war  re- 


\to 


ttVoved  from  our  once  happy  country,  that  has  prompted 
me  thus  to  spoak.  So  my  friends  let  us  try  the  North 
once  more.  Let  us  see  if  this  great  party,  the  deir  ocrat* 
ic  party  at  the  Nor Eh,  will  do  what  they  say  they  will 
do.  And  should  we  eventually  wish  to  get  off,  I  have 
not  a  doubt  hut  we  can  do  so  better  at  some  future  time* 
and  at  i  less  sacrific*  ,  both  of  life  and  property,  than  we 
can  at  present. 

It  will  be  discovered   that  I  have  advised  goin jr  bacfc. 
into  the  Union  as  the  surest  and   Is  est    mode  of  putting  a 
stop  to  this  wicked  war.     M}T  arguments  for  this  have  al- 
ready been  mainly  set  forth,     tt  is  evident  that  we  can    . 
long  exist  as  a  nation,   neither  the  North  nor  the  South 
if  we  thus  keep  on.     I  presume  you  have  heard  the  story 
oHhe  Kilkenny  cats,  but  in    order   to  make  sure  of  it,  I 
will  relate  it.     It  is  said   that  a  gentleman  once  caught 
a  couple  of  these  cats,  and  after  tying  their  tails  togeth- 
er,  threw  them  across  a  pole.     They  commenced  light- 
ing and  fought  on  until  it   is   said   there  was  only  one 
and    a  half  inches  of  their  tails  left.     So  why  must  we, 
the  people  of  the  North  and  the  So^th  verify  this  story 
upon  ourselves  ?     "Why  must  we   wear   each  other  out 
before  striking  for  a  peace.     These  same  difficulties  will 
at  last  be  to  settle.     I  presume    we   all  would  like  to  see 
how  this  matter  will  terminate,  but  the  way  things  are 
now  going  on,   I  presume  many   of  us  will  first  have 
gone  to  that  home   from  whence  no  traveler  returns. — 
It  seems  evident  that  we   can  never  achieve  our  liber- 
ties, and  get  back  our  territory  now  in   p  >ase$sion  of  the 
enemy,   by  force  of  arms.  onlsr  by  an  aw'ul    sacrifice 
of  life  and   property,    oven    if   we   do  then  ;   and  disas- 
trous indeed  will  be  the  result  should  we  persist  in  ma- 
king this  mighty  effort  and  then  eventually  be  crushed 
in  it.     By  going  back  in  the  Union   both  sections  will 


140 


lay  down  their  arms,  and  the  territory  that  has  been 
conquered  from  us,tand  now  in  possession  of  the  enemy, 
will  no  doubt  be  restored  to  us.  Then  in  a  few  yeawj 
if  things  do  not  work  together  well,  we  can  try  this  thing 
again  and  come  out  in  a  body  and  likewise  bring  with 
us  the  balance  of  our  territory  now  in  possession  oi 
the  enemy.  Should  time  demonstrate  that  the  tw< 
sections  can't  live  together  in  union  so  as  to  be  of  mu 
tual  advantage  to  each  other,  I  think  it  would  be  bad 
policy  in  either  section  to  desire  a  further  union.  But 
let  each  side  now  lay  down  their  arms,  quit  pushing 
against  each  other,  ^nd  in  my  opinion  the  war  will  ceast 
almost  instantly.  One  side  is  pushing  because  the  other 
is  pushing,  and  neither  side  I  presume  can  hardly  tell 
what  they  are  pushing  about. 

Again  the  .North  now  has  much  of  the  fairest  portior 
of  our  country  in  their  possession — that  portion  tha1 
could  be  most  depended  on  to  support  a  war.  These 
fair  portions  are  not  only  cut  off  from  us,  but  the  sol- 
diers from  these  portions,  and  likewise  many  refugees 
from  the  same  section,  are  now  among  us,  and  have  tc 
be  sustained  by  the  thinner  and  less  grain-growing 
sections.  In  case  of  short  crops  and  from  other  causes, 
our  people  have  in  times  of  peace  depended  much  on 
the  eastern  part  of  the  State  for  grain  and  other  useful 
commodities.  How  will  we  do  now  when  this  section 
instead  of  being  an  advantage  to  us,  is  actually  a  dis- 
advantage so  far  as  provisions  are  concerned.  Anc 
upon  top  of  this  the  major  part  of  our  working  class  is 
now  in  the  army ;  so  there  are  but  comparatively  fen 
left  behind  to  raise  the  necessaries  of  life.  And  farther, 
it  takes  a  great  deal  more  to  do  soldiers  in  an  army 
than  it  would  the  same  people  at  home.  So  if  things 
thus  keep  on,  have  we  not  a  prospect  ahead  of  a  fam- 


141 


ine — a  very  grievous  famine,  such  as  has  not  yet  been  in 
all  the  land,  and  that  before  a  great  while  ?     Shall  we 
wait  until  these  tilings  come  quite  to  our  door  before 
making    any  arrangements    to  meet  them  ?     Shall  we, 
like  Mexico,  (in  the  war  with  the  United  States)  wait  for 
the  enemy  to  fight  quite  through  and  conquer  the  whole 
of  our  country  before  striking  for  a  peace,  or  endeavor- 
ing to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  the  two  sec- 
tions ?     So  under  these  circumstances  I  think  we  had  best 
back  clown  and  go  back  in  the  Union  again,  humiliating 
as  it  may  appear.     And  should  we  find  it  necessary  to  try 
secession  again,  I   think    we  should  first  go  to  work  and 
make  necessary  preparations,  such  as  erecting  the   neces- 
sary manufacturies  among  us,   importing  largely    of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  such  as  we  can't  raise,  so  that  we  might 
live  free  and  independent  of  other  nations  in  a  coming 
strife,  should  we  have  one. 

The  effects  of  this  war  will  be  felt  bad  enough  to  wind 
it  up  now  without  carrying  it  any  farther.  One  having 
a  leg  or  an  arm  broken,  for  instance,  suffers  more  with  it 
three  or  four  days  after  it  is  done  than  right  at  the  time 
of  the  accident.  So  of  this  war.  I  think  we  will  feel  the 
effects  of  it  more  a  year  or  two  hence  than  we  do  now. 

From  what  I  experienced  above  fourteen  years  ago  I 
have  no  more  doubt  but  what  God  was  dissatisfied  with 
slavery  as  it  then  existe  1  than  I  have  of  my  own  existence. 
Whether  or  not  he  intends  its  final  overthrow  remains 
yet  to  bo  told.  I  was  though  principally  impressed  to- 
wards them  as  regards  to  better  treatment.  And  inas- 
much as  my  mission  was  not  completed  I  am  unable  to 
say  positively  what  disposition  was  intended  to  be  made 
of  them.  Taking  every  thing  into  consideration,  and  for 
reasons  already  given,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  we  had 


142 

best  keep  them  as  they  are,  or  at  least  until  we  get  more 
light  upon  the  subject.  I  am  though  well  aware  that  this 
is  no  time  to  agitate  the  slavery  question ;  so  I  think  we 
had  best  attend  to  the  condition  of  our  country  first  and 
try  and  stop  this  cruel  war  and  bring  about  a  peace  bet- 
ween the  two  sections  and  then  attend  to  the  servants 
afterwards. 

Taking  all  these  things  in  consideration,  together  witli 
the  great  haste  with  which  the  South  acted,  that  resulted 
first  in  secession,  and  from  that  to  the  war,  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  the  Southern  Confederacy  cant  long  stand 
upon  its  present  foundation.  My  heart  is  filled  with  sad- 
ness when  I  reflect  upon  the  condition  of  our  once  happy 
country.  These  things  that  I  have  stated  are  my  solemn 
convictions  and  while  it  is  no  pleasure  for  me  to  speak  as 
I  have  at  many  places  done,  I  do  so,  truly  hoping  that  the 
worst  may  yet  be  averted  from  our  once  happy  country. 
I  will  state  here  that  I  have  been  looking  fur  something 
of  the  kind  ever  since  those  important  truths  were  made 
known  to  me.  It  may  be  asked  me  if  I  were  in  posses- 
sion of  such  knowledge  as  this  why  I  did  not  makei'; 
known  sooner,  or  try  and  do  something  to  avert  the  com- 
ing difficulties. 

One  reason  that  I  have  not  before  given  my  experi- 
ence to  the  world  is  that  I  have  been  constantly  look- 
ing forward,  hoping  that  God  would  call  rne  to  this  great 
work  again.  And  as  regards  doing  something  to  try 
and  avert  the  coming  troubles  I  will  state  that  I  wrote 
some  pieces  which  I  hoped  at  least  would  have  had 
some  effect  in  avoiding  a  civil  war,  but  I  could  not 
get  them  published,  from  the  fact  I  presume,  that  they 
savored  too  strongly  of  Union  sentiments.  I  did 
what  I  could  to  avert  a  civil  war  notwithstanding 
I  somewhat  thought  there  was  a  Divine  object  to   be 


148 


accomplished  by  it ;  and  if  so,  that  I  would  be  wrong 
in  saying  or  doinj;  anything  that  would  stop  it,  even  if 
I  could,  though  half  the  nation  were  to  get  killed  in  it. 
Notwithstanding  this  my  philanthropic  desires  for  my 
ft  l'owraan  were  such  that  I  was  for  using  my  influence 
if  I  had  any  for  stopping  this  dreadful  calamity.  And  I 
would  have  use!  still  greater  exertions  had  there  been 
any  prospect  (  f  doing  any  good  theieby;  but  seeing  that 
I  could  not  eftect  anything,  I  with  sorrow  shrank  back, 
feeling  almost  certain  that  there  was  immense  trouble 
ahead. 

It  seems  that  one  might  about  as  well  have  com- 
manded the  Maelstrom  to  stand  still,  or  have  attempt- 
ed to  dam  up  the  waters  of  the  mightly  Mississippi  as 
to  have  tried  to  stop  the  secessionists  in  their  mad  career* 
They  rushed  on  from  union  to  secession,  from  that  to 
war,  and  from  that  to  ultimate  ruin  I  may  say,  if  this 
war  be  not  speedily  closed,  with  a  heedlessness  that  knew 
no  bounds.  Now  that  they  have  learned  a  \esson  by  prac- 
tical experience,  they  will  probably  be  more  cautious  ill 
the  future. 

Before  closing  this  chapter  1  wish  if  possible  to  hn. 
press  on  ihe  reader  that  I  am  sincere  and  candid  in 
writing  what  I  have ;  that  I  have  nq  desire  to  deviate 
from  truth,  neither  to  the  right  nor  the  left  if  I  know  it, 
and  that  I .  wish  to  speak  nothing  but  what  is  really 
true. 

To  prove  that  I  had  some  idea  of  this  war  (either  a 
correct  or  an  incorrect  oik)  I  refer  th%  reader  to  the 
following  incident. 

About  the  time  the  first  volunteers  were  getting  up> 
and  volunteering  was  popular,  one  of  my  friends  and 
relative!  of  Carthage  was  urging  on  me  to  volunteer.  I 
merely  remarked  to  him  that  if  every   body   knew  what 


Hi 

t  did,  there  would  not  be  a  volunteer  in  the  State,  (this 
1  am  able  to  prove.)  I  promised  him  at  some  time  or 
other,  I  would  give  him  my  reasons  for  so  speaking ; 
I  have  not  yet  done  so,  but  if  I  had,  they  would  ha^e 
been  in  the  main,  pretty  much  the  same  as  is  herein  set 
forth.  •    - 

And  further,  to  prove  that  these  works  (not  relative 
to  the  war)  has  been  on  me  a  good  while,  I  refer  to  the 
following. 

I  was  in  Norfolk,  Virginia,  in  the  summer  of  1855, 
during  that  dreadful  scourge  of  yellow  fever.  I  yet  be- 
lieving that  God  had  some  purpose  in  letting  me  live, 
was  not  afraid  in  the  least  of  taking  the  fever,  and  so 
visited  the  sick  and  went  about  the  streets  whitherso. 
ever  my  business  called  me,  not  feeling  scared  in  the 
least. 

About  this  time  as  I  was  returning  one  evening  to 
my  boarding  house,  I  met  one  of  the  boarders  coming 
out  of  the  house,  who  said  to  me  that  "Warren  was  very 
sick,  and  of  yellow  fever  as  he  supposed.  Says  he  we 
are  leaving  and  I  advise  you  to  do  the  same.  I  was 
though  determined  that  the  young  man  should  not  lay 
there  and  die  neglected  in  that  way  though  it  might  be 
yellow  fever  lie  had,  and  so  I  went  up  into  his  room 
and  conversed  with  him  and  soon  became  satisfied  that 
it  was  not  the  yellow  fever  he  had.  I  went  down  and 
told  the  lady  of  the  house  that  such  a  one  of  the  boar- 
ders was  sick,  what  I  thought  was  the  matter  with  him 
and  what  I  thought  would  reli  eve  him  if  she  would 
have  it  done.  She  thinking  it  must  be  yellow  fever  and 
8ent  off  immediaty  for  a  doctor;  he  soon  came,  went 
up  and  examined  the  young  man  and  pronounced  it  colic. 
lie  not  having  the  necessary  medcine  with  him,  asked 
me  if  I  would  go  down  to  the  drugstore  and  get  it  for 


145 


him;  I  told  him  I  would,  I  went  and  got  the  medi- 
cine, he  gave  it  to  him  and  the  young  man  was  soon 
well.  Warren  told  me  afterwards  that,  had  it  not  been 
for  me  he  thought,  he  should  have  died  as  he  could  not 
have  stood  it  long  in  that  condition. 

There  was  another  one  of  my  acquaintances  in  town 
very  sick.  I  went  in  to  sec  him.  As  soon  as  I  went 
in  he  held  out  his  hand  to  me,  hut  he  was  speechless. 
I  took  him  by  the  hand  and  remained  with  him  a  short 
time.     lie  died  soon  after  1  left  the  room. 

I  came  very  near  remaining  and  being  of  all  the 
service  that  I  could  to  the  sick.  At  that  time  as  the 
number  of  new  cases  was  fast  decreasing  it  was  thought 
that  the  Fever  would  soon  die  out.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, I,  being  on  expenses,  and  out  of  employ- 
ment, concluded  to  leave  the  city.  I  went  about 
eighty  miles  into  the  country  and  there  took  up  for 
the  time.  Soon  after  leaving,  the  fever  broke  out 
with  increased  violence;  0  how  my  heart  yearned  for 
these  people  !  It  was  the  works  that  I  had  experienced 
in  the  spring  of  1848  that  caused  me  thus  to  be  fearless 
in  the  midst  of  the  yellow  Fever.  Therefore  I  had 
no  fears  of  being  taken  with  sicklies  unto  death,  and 
never  had  better  health  than  during  my  sojourn  among 
the  Fever.  So  if  I  risk  my  life  I  wish  it  to  be  in  do- 
ing good  to  my  fellow  man, like  Howard  the  good,  and 
not  in  cruel  and  wicked  wars. 

Before  closing,  perhaps  the  reader  may  wish  to  know 
a  little  of  my  own  case.  I  will  state  that  I  have  never 
yet  joined  any  church-;  and  what  is  a  great  deal  worse 
I  have  backsliden  and  sined  in  the  sight  of  heaven  and 
against  Divine  light.  I  think  it  is  owing  to  some  of  these 
sins,  together  with  againgt  remisness  of  duty,  that  the 
work  has  never  been  renewed.  I  will  here  remark 
7 


146 


that  there  is  a  very  important   thing*    connected   with 
this  'work  that  I   have  totally    neglected.     It   has  not 
been  treated  on  in  this  work  from  the   fact   that  I  first. 
want   more   light   upon  it   before   making   it   public. 
It  is  one  of  those  four  or  five  things   omitted,  that  was 
made  known  to  me  during  the  first  night  of   raj   call. 
It  is  of  such  a  nature   that  I  shall  first   probably  have 
to  go  to  Europe  or  Asia  and  then  perhaps   learn  a  lan- 
guage before  it  can  be  accomplished.     This  work  is  of 
an  inseperable  nature  as  it  were,  and  is    such   that   it 
seems  that  the  balance  that  I  experienced    cant   avail 
much  without  it  and  though  it  was  fourteen   years  the 
28th  of  last  March  since  my  call  I   have  done   nothing 
with  it  yet,  and  so  far  as  I  know  this  business  remains 
as  it  was  the  first  night  of  my  call. 

I  have  resolved  though  as  soon  as  circumstances  will 
permit  to  take  some  preparatory  steps  towards  accom- 
plishing this  thing,  but  then,  if  the  spirit  of  God  be  not 
placed  on  me  it  will  all  avail  nothing. 

To  prove  that  I  have  been  under  the  influence  of 
God,  and  that  it  is  that  influence  that  has  caused  me  to 
Wfite  the  present  work,  I  will  mention  one  other  inci- 
dent. 

Some  six  or  eight  months,  or  perhaps  longer,  I  can't 
tell  the  exact  time,  after  my  call,  I  wrote  oil"  a  history 
of  my  experience,  &c,  pretty  much  as  is  herein  set  forth ? 
and  have  it  now  in  manuscript,  but  in  writing  the  pres- 
ent, I  wished  to  be  a  little  more  particular  in  giving  the 
details,  and  so  in  writing  this  I  never  so  much  as  once 
looked  at  my  old  manuscript. 

These  things  are  now  abont  as  plain  in  my  mind  as 
the  day  they  happened.  Nothing  else  I  think  but  the 
power  of  God  could  have  impressed' them  so  indelibly 
up<  n  me. 


147 

I  will  state  ftere  that  at  the  time  of  my  call  and  pre- 
vious thereto,  I  eiijoyetl  universal  cheerfulness  a;id  saw, 
I  presume,  as  much  pleasure  as  a  most  any  young  man 
a  going.  But  since  that  time  my  Jteart  lias  been  sad, 
ami  1.  have  suffered  mucli  remorse  of  conscience  in  con- 
sequence of  the famireof  this  work,  and  many  a.  bit- 
ter moment  liave#I  s'penj  concerning  it  both  by  day  and 
by  night. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  bf  England,  when  on  her  death  bed 

id  to  have  exclaimed  "millions  and   mil-l.i  ^._  _  ^ 

foirone  inch  pf.time."     So  would  I  give  fnilli  Jp^»  r 

mi  llii  ins  if  I  had  them,  if  I  could  onlV  be  back    S£e  D  <^T  a 

5  ?  o      o 
places  where  I  erred.  Ah!  worlds  itself    o  ^  =  §*  3 

in  comparison,  and  I  would  freely  giv   0  S  £  o 


o 


I  had  them,  were  1  b  one  of  (hose  place!    K.*-*B  -•  3 

erred,  that  1  miarht  shape  my  course  of  anew.        «.  '    s?  » 

I  will   now   soon  conclude,   and  before   doi       c  ^^  ° 

to  say  one  more  word  to  you,  my  country       ^  o  5-J^w 

endeavored  to  set  forth  in  an  impartial  \       xT  ©  S-  ^ 

cause  of  our  sectional  troubles,  audi  haveal    I 

ored  to  show  that  it' we  are  in  an    error,  we    n 

expect  heaven  to  crown  our  efforts. 

I  have  also  given  it  as  my  opinion,  thai    un 


■s  it  would  be  best  cor  us  to  {])■■•<>  ^ j§  ^  £ 
our  arms  and  go  immediately  back  into  the  fi  p-S'f"© 
have  air-  'en  my  arguments  concerning  t      **  o»  j* 

now  my  friends,  I  submit    it   to    youi     fs  5'g 
judgment  fory  m  to  decide  as  you  may  think  b     §  ~  %  a 
I  ma}-  have  said  many  things  in  the  foregoii     ®~0  n  | 
not  pleasing  to  my  reader..,  but  they  will      .»  5  »  c 
pardon  me  1  ing,  when  I  inform  them  tlj         ** 

I  have  said  upon  this  en  with  a  desire  of 

discharging*  duty  that  I  think  I  owe  to  my  God  and 
fellow  man,,  and  that  I  have  desired  to  speak  nothing 
what  1  rictly  true. 


148 


Seems  like  I  can't  well  end  this  important  subject 
without  onee  more  repeating  that  I  desire  soon  to  see 
peace  and  contentment  reign  throughout  the  entire 
length  and  breadth  of  our  land,  and  that  it  may  soon 
blossom  and  teem  with  happiness  and  the  blessing  of 
God,  as  the  rose.  Yea,  that  our  sectional  troubles  may 
soon  be  settled  peaceably,  honorably  and  fairly,  that 
peace  and  good  will  may  soon  reign  throughout  our 
entire  land,  and  that  the  shadow  of  the  most  high  God 
may  rest  upon  us  as  a  nation  and  people,  and  upon  the 
whole  world,  is  the  sincere  desire  of  oiie  who  wishes 
you  well. 


THE   END. 


■*--?:• 


APPENEIX. 


(1.)  It  is  said  that  only  10,000  votes  were  cast  for 
members  to  the  State  Convention  that  passed  South 
Carolina  out  of  the  Union  ;  10,000  out  of  60,000.  It 
is  easy  to  see  why  the  secessionists  were  unwilling  to 
ratify  or  reject  the  ordinance  at  the  polls. — Semi-  Weekly 
Observer,  January  28th,  1861. 

Note. — The  date  at  the  bottom  of  the  following  refer- 
ences shows  the  date  of  the  Fayetteville  Semi- Weekly 
Observer,  in  which  these  references  may  be  found,  unless 
otherwise  mentioned.  The  date  may  also  be  under- 
stood to  be  1861,  unless  otherwise  mentioned. 

(2.)  An  Act  passed  by  the  General  Assembly  con- 
cerning the  Convention  that  was  voted  for  on  the  28th 
of  February,  1861— 

Section  10.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  ordinance 
of  this  Convention  shall  have  any  force  or  validity  un- 
til it  shall  have  been  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  qual- 
ified voters  for  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  to 
whom  it  shall  be  submitted  according  to  the  mode  pre- 
scribed for  elections  of  members  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, the  assent  or  dissent  of  the  people  hereto  being 
expressed,  as  in  preceding  sections  of  this  act. — Feb.  4. 


150 


(&)  Washington,  April  8tb. 

THE  SOUTHERN    COMMISSIONERS    NOT    RECOGNIZED    BY    THE 
SECRETARY   OE    STATE. 

The  state  department  replied  to-day  to  the  note    of 
the  commissioners  from  the  Confederate  States,  declin- 
ing to  receive  them  in  an  official  capacity,  but  express- 
ing deference  for  them  as  gentlemen. —  Obr.file. 

(4.)  If  the  correspondent  of  the  xTew  York  Herald  is 
to  he  believed,  there  is  doubtless  a  force  off  Charleston 
ere  this,  and  the  change  of  policy  which,  leads  to  this  is 
the  refusal  of  General  Beauregard  to  allow  of  an  evac- 
uation of  Fort  Sumter,  and  a  demand  of  the  humilia- 
tion of  a  regular  surrender,  as  of  an  army  in  an  actual 
state  of  war. 

If  this  this  be  so,  it  is. plain  that  the  Confederate 
States  will  not  allow  of  peace.  And  the  world  will 
hold  them  responsible  for  the  horrible  civil  war  which 
will  result.  All  that  they  ought  to  expect  of  a  great 
and  proud  people  is  the  simple  evacuation  of  the  fort. 
This  is  all  that  their  necessities  or  their  national  honor 
requires.  And  in  demanding  humiliation  and  dishonor 
they  go  a  step  beyond  the  most  extreme  feeling  of  con- 
ciliation.— April  11th. 

(5.)  We  hear  that  it  is  stated  on  all  hands,  even  in 
Charleston,  that  the  only  thing  in  the  way  of  the  evacua- 
tion of  Fort  Sumter,  was  the  requirement  that  its  garri- 
son should  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war — a  monstrous 
demandfromthosewhoprofesstoseek  peace,  as  a  condi- 
tion precedent  to  the  departure  of  the  troops  of  a  gov- 
ernment at  peace  with  them,  from  a  fort  belonging  to 
that  government. — April  15th. 


151 

(6.)  General  Beauregard  refused  to  receive  the   fort 

as  a  surrender  to  South  Carolina,  but  that  it   must  be 

given  up  to  the  Southern  Confederacy  and  the  officers 

'  surrender  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war,  otherwise  he 

will  take  the  fort, — April  Slh. 

(7.)  "When  the  government,  determined to order  !M 
Anderson  out  of  the  fort,  it  was  on  the  condition  that 

the  property  in  it  should  not  he  molested  hut  allowed 
to  remain  as  it  was.  The  authorities  of  the  Confeder- 
ate States  would  not  agree  to  this,  hut  manifested  a  dis- 
position to  get  |  ion  of  the  fort  and  the  property 
therein.  The  government  would  not  submit  to  such 
humiliation,  was  immediately  determined  to  keep 
Maj.  Anderson  in  the  fort. — Obscrccr  file.  Dale  not  re- 
cbllecti  d. 

(8.)  Tt  is  believed  that  Maj.  Anderson  was  ordered  to 
leave  with  the  remainder  of  his  command  in  the  usual 
way  of  detailing  officers  and  men  to  differentposte,  but 
Cen.  Beauregard  was  not  willing  to  have  a  government 
steamer  come  into  Charleston  harbor  and  takeaway  his 
enemy.     1  le  wauteda  surrender  of  the  fort. — April  lo/A, 

(0.)  The  ball  opened  last  night.  Lieut,  (now  Capt.) 
Talbot  Onitcd  States  Army,  accompanied  by  .Mr.  \i. 
S.  GheWj  arrived  in  Charleston  and  took  quarters  at  the 
Charleston  hotel. 

lie  gave  the  authorities  an  official  notification  from 
the  Lincoln  government  that  Fort  Sumter  would   bo 
visioneo  bly  if  practicable — forcibly  if  neces- 

sary; He  d|d  not  visit  Fori  Sumter,  (beingl  think  de- 
nied  thai  privili  returned  to  "Washington  by  the 

late  train.     So  the  war  is  at  last  declared.-    (/< 
ury.*—(  Arril  11th, 


152 


(10.)  April,  11th.  I  am  informed  "by  a  member  of 
the  Cabinet  that  the  steamers  to  Charleston  carried  no 
arms  and  no  men,  but  only  a  supply  of  provisions  for 
the  government  at  Fort  Sumter.  I  am  also  informed 
that  Gov.  Pickens  was  notified  that  such  was  the  object 
of  the  steamer  sent.— Special  to  Petersburg  Express. — Ob- 
server, April  15th. 

Note. — I  think  the  above  must  be  an  error.  These 
Steamers  to  Charleston,  I  think  evidently  went  armed, 
with  the  intention  of  first  trying  to  provision  the  fort 
peaceably  and  if  that  were  resisted,  they  were  then  pre- 
pared to  use  force,  but  if  I  am  not  wrongly  informed, 
the  Lincoln  government  had  informed  the  authorities 
at  Charleston  that  no  provisions  nor  any  thing  of  the 
kind  would  be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter  without  first  notify- 
ing the  authorities  at  Charleston  of  the  fact.  This  seems 
to  have  been  done  by  Capt.  Talbot  and  Mr.  Chew. 

(11.)  Secession  was  spoken  of  in  South  Carolina,  be- 
fore it  was  known  that  Lincoln  was  elected,  and  when 
it  was  known  in  Charleston  that  he  was  elected,  there 
was  rejoicing  over  it.  So  they  appeared  to  be  seeking 
a  cause  for  secession,  rather  than  secession  for  a  cause. — 
March  14//;, 

(12.)  SPOILING   FOR   A   FIGHT.    - 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Charleston 
Mercury  (himself  at  the  safe  distance  of  five  hundred 
miles,)  writes  as  follows  to  that  paper. 

Had  a  timely  collision  been  had  at  Fort  Sumter,  Vir- 
ginia and  the  rest  might  now  havebeen  with  vou.  In- 
activity  is  not  always  masterly. — February  25th. 


153 


(lo.)  '  COERCION. 

A  Keutuekian  writes  from  Memphis  to  the  Louisville'' 

Journal  of  the  state  of  tilings  there,  and  says,  union 
men  claim  a  majority.  He  closes  his  letter  with  the 
following  significant  incident : 

It  was  but  .yesterday  that  I  was  questioned  on  the 
street  in  presence  of  several  gentlemen  as  to  the  posi- 
tion that  Kentucky  would  occupy,  ley  two  ofthe  mem- 
bers of  the  late  seceding  convention  of  Mississippi,  re- 
turning by  this  poinj  to  their  homes  on  the  Mississippi 
river.  I  answered  that  I  thought  Kentucky  would  ad- 
here to  the  tJnioti.  The  reply  was,  then  we  will  drag 
her  out,  and  Maryland  and  Virginia  and  JSTorth  Carolina 
and  Tcunessc.)  all,  if  it  be  necessary. 

How  will  you  do  so,  was  1hc  demand  ? 

Why  all  of  these  States  have  declared  that  coercion 
should  not  be  used  towards  the  seceding  States.  We 
will  make  a  demonstration  against  Fort  Sumter  and 
Fort  Pickens.  At  the  first  shot  wc  will  cry  coercion 
and  at  the  first  cry  of  coercion  we  shall  have  all  these 
Katies.— February  21st: 

(14.)  Gov.  Gist  has  sent  his  lasi'mcssage  to  the  Leg- 
islature, at  its  close  he  says: 

The  delay  of  the  Convention  for  a  single  week  to  pass 
the  ordinance  of  secession  v  ill  have  a  blighting  and 
chilling  influence  upon  the  action  of  the  other  Southern 
States,  and  the  opponents  of  the  movement  will  be  en- 
couraged to  make  another  effort  to  rally  their  now  dis- 
organized and  scattered  forces  to  defeat  our  action  and 
to  stay  our  onward  man!]. 

Fabius  conquered  by  delay,  and  there  are  those  of 
his  school,  though  with  a  more  unworthy  purpose,  who, 
shrinking  from  an  open  and  maid}-  attack,  use  this  vail 


154 


to  hide  their  deformities  and  from  a  masked  battery 
discharge  their  missiles.  But  I  trust  they  will  strike., 
the  armor  of  truth  and  fall  harmless  at  our  feet,  and 
that  before  the  25th  of  December  no  flag  but  the  Pal- 
metto will  float  over  any  part  of  South  Carolina. — 
Weekly  Observer,  December  11th,  18G0. 

(15.)  Do  not  distrust  Virginia.  As  sure  as  to-mor- 
rows sun  will  rise  upon  us,  just  so  sure  will  old  Vir- 
ginia be  a  member  of  this  Southern  Con  f .-de racy.  And 
I  will  tell  3'ou  gentlemen,  what  will  put  her  in  the 
Southern  Confederation  id  less  than  an  hour  by  Shrews-? 
bury  clock.  Strike  a  blow.  The  very  moment  that 
blood  is  shed  old  Virginia  will  make  common  cause  with 
lief 'sisters' 'of  the. South. — Boner  A.  iPri/or,  April  15//i. 

(1G.)  Judge  John  Robertson  was  sent  as  a  commis- 
sioner to  South  Carolina. 

After-hearing  Judge  Robertson,  the'Lcgi  Mature  adop- 
ted among  others  the  following  resolutions: 

Unsolved  unanimously,  That  the  candor  which  is  duo 
to  the  long  continued  simpathy  and  respect  which  has 
subsisted  between  Virginia  and  South  Carolina,  induces 
tins  General  Assembly  to  declare  with  frankness  that 
they  do  not  deem  it  advisable  to  initiate  negociations 
when  they  have  no  desire  or  intention  to  promote  the 
ultimate  object  in  view,  that  object  is  declared  in  the 
resolutions  of  the  legislature  to  be  the  procurement 
of  new  guarantees  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Resolved  unanimously,  That  iho,  separation  of  the  State 
of  South  Carolina  from  the  Federal  Union  is  final,  and 
she  has  no  farther  interest  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  the  only  appropriate  negoeia- 


I  oo 


tions  between  her  and  the  federal  government  are  : 
mutual  relation  as  foreign  States. — F  ilh. 

Nate. — It  will  be  recollected  that  Judge  Rober 
was  sent  as,a  commissioner  by  the  State  of  Virginia  to 
South  Carolina  for  ihe  purpose,  it  seems,  of  bringing 
about  a  reconciliation  betweetr the  two  sectioBSi  by  hav* 
ing  new  guarantees  inserted  in  the  Constitution — giving 
tl  10  Soulh  their  rights,  or  in  other words  that,  she  should 
not  change  lier  status  or  standing  towards  the  general 
government,  but  wait  and  <;ive  tune  as  it  were,  lor  ob- 
taining these  guaranties,  when  the  above  was  the  re- 
sult. 

(17.)  '  THE    WAR    TOLICY. 

It  is  not  the  general  governmant  that  has   pro], 
or  desired  coercion  as  is  falsely  pretended  but  the  dis- 
unionists  themselves.     The  administration  has  acted  on 
the  defensive.     All    the   nets   of  war   have  proceeded 
from  the  capture  of  the  forts,  arsenals  and    navy   yards 
in  Xorlh  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana  ami  Florida,,  from  those  who  li  red  on 
the  stars  and  stripes  in    Charleston  harbor,   and   those 
are  now  investing  forts  Sumter  end  Pickens.     They 
want  war  in  the  hope  that  all  the   South    may  thus  be 
ed   into    disunion.     In    this   spirit    the  Charleston 
ary  publishes  the  following  extract  from  a  letter 
from  Richmond,  Virginia. 

The  only  thing  thai  can  save  us  and  unite  the  whole 

h  is  the  capture  of  Fort  Sumter  before  the  end  of 

till  is  month.     This  will  bring  all  Virginia  to  arms    and 

the  border  States  will  follow  her.     Tl  .  as  much 

as  I  d&plorc  bl  1    1  must  advise  prompt  action. — 


ou 


(18)    CHARLESTON   MERCURY   ON  JOHN    J.    CRITTENDEN. 

Mr.  Crittenden  is  full  of  lamentations  on  the  fall  of 
the  Union.  In  Congress  and  out  of  Congress— on  the 
hustings  and  in  the  Senate — the  Union  is  the  theme  of 
his  laudation,  and  its  destruction  the  burden  of  his  woes, . 
yet  there  is  not  a  man  alive — not  Seward,  nor  Lincoln 
nor  Greely — who  has  done  more  to  dissolve  the  union 
than  the  lion.  John  J.  Crittenden. 

lie  has  never  respected  the  people  of  the  South,  and 
therefore,   has  always  counseled  their  submission  to- 
^Northern  insolence  and  aggression.     He  has  all  these , 
lively  hopes  which  spring  from  contempt.     He  has  ever* 
been,,  however  unintentionally,  one  of  the  deadliest  en- 
emies of  the  South.—  February  Hh. 

(19.)  I  have  been  engaged  in  this  movement  ever 
since  I  entered  public  life.  We  have  carried  the  army 
of  this  union  to  its  last  resting  place,  and  now  we  will 
drop  the  flag  over  its  grave.—  Kcitt  f  South  Carolina. — • 
January  28th.  • 

(20.)  The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Rich- 
mond Dispatch  uses  the  following  language.  Lincoln 
threatens  war  because  he  knows  his  hands  are  tied. 
War  is  not  the  thing  we  ought  to  fear.  Peace  is  our 
destruction  ;  war  our  salvation. — March  2J.st. 

(21.)  Columbia,  November  loth. 

Mr.  Kcitt  was  serenaded  last  night  at  midnight,  and 
made  an  exciting  speech,  urging  prompt  action  : 

He  said,  President  Buchanan  was  pledged  to    seces-. 
sion,  and  would  be  held  to  it.    -South    Carolina  would' 
shatter  the  accursed  union.     If  she   could    accomplish 
its  destruction  in  no  other  way  she  would  throw   her 


157 


arms  around  the  pillars  of  the  Constitution  and  involve 
the  States  in  a  common  ruin. — November  15th,  1860. 

(22.)  The  secessiou  of  South  Carolina  is  not  an  event 
of  a  day.  It  is  not  an}'  thing  produced  by  Lincolns 
election,  or  hy  the  non  Intervention  of  the  iugitive  slave 
law.  It  has  been  a -matter  which  has  been  gathering 
heapl  for  the  last  thirty  years. — lihctte  of  South  Carolina, 
January  28//;. 

(23.)  There  was,J[  think,  another  gentleman,  a 
member  of  the  South  Carolina  Convention,  who  said 
that  he  had  been  working  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Un- 
ion for  the  last  forty  years.  It  not  bcim*  convenient  to 
refer  to  the  paper  giving  an  account  of  this,  I  think 
proper  to  with  hold  His  name,  but  if  you  will  examine 
the  Observer  tile  for  the  last  of  I860  and  first  of  18G1, 
you  wjjl  be  apt  to  bring  him. 

24.)  It  appears  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Lieut. 
James  Jewet  was  about  to  leave  Pensaeola  the  State 
authorities  of  Florida  ordered  him  to  be  arrested,  and 
would  not  permit  him  to  depart  unless  upon  his  parole 
of  honor  that  he  would  never  take  up  arms  against 'the 
State  of  Florida.  The  document  was  truly  drawn  and 
presented  to  the  Lieutenant,  who  accepted  it  as  the  on- 
ly means  oJ'  escape  from  prison.  "Without  this  docu- 
ment he  could  not  have  passed  through  the  State. — 
February  1th. 

By  this  it  seems  they  anticipated  war.  But  I  think 
it  would  have  been  time  enough  to  parole  after  hostili- 
ties had  commenced. 


lob 

[~o.)  The  Richmond  Enquirer  advises  the  seizure  of 
Washington  City,  with  all  the  government  buildings, 
with  Fort  Monroe  at  Old  Point  Comfort,  and  that  the 
President  should  give  up  all  the  forts  before  MarcB;— 
December  2Uli. 

(26.)  Governor  Curtin  announced  to  day  to  the  Leg- 
islature that  President  Lincoln  had  written  to  him  that 
he  was  informed  of  a  design  to  attack  Washington  City. 
April  llth. 

(27.)  Monigpmery]  Ala.—  President  Davis  and  Secre- 
tary of  War,  Walker  were  serenaded  at  the  Exchange 
hotel.  The  latter  was  called  out  and  said  that  the 
Confederate  flag  would  soon  be  waving  over  fort  Sum- 
ter and  from  the  Federal  Copitol  at  Washington  City, 
if  the  Independence  of  the  Confederate  States  is  not 
recognized,  and  hostilities  continue. — April  15th. 

m 

(28.)  It  is  seriously  believed  at  Washington  and  the 
Northern  cities  that  the  Southern  Confederacy  is  col- 
lecting an  army  of  about  25,000  for  a  descent  upon 
Washington  City  and  the  North  Generally.  It  is  said 
that  Ben  McCulloch  has  been  making  enlistments  in 
Virginia  for  the  same  purpose. — Observer  file. 

(20.)  WARLIKE    THREATS   AT    MONTGOMERY 

On  Friday  night  after  the  news  of  the  commencement 
of  the  bombardment  had  been  received  President  Davis 
and  Secretary  Walker  were  serenaded.  General  Davis 
was  too  unwell  to  appear,  and  a  speech  was  made  by 
Secretary  Walker,  He  said,  no  man  could  tell  where 
the  war  this  day  commenced  would  end,  but  he  would 
prophjsy  that  the  flag  which  now  ffaunts  to  the  breeze 


159 

here  would  float  he  dom&ofjhe  old  Qnmtol  at  Wash- 

ington befoi-i  of  May.     Let    them    try  Southern 

chivalry  and  test  tbe.extei  lithern  resources,  and 

it  might  float  -eventually  in    Boston  o  Hall 

itself. — Brother  Jonathan. — iVi .  •   York,  April  -0/A. 

(30.)  Six-President  Filraorewas  for  a  convention  to 
separate  peaceably  if  the  difficulties  could  not  be  adjus- 
ted.—  Obserc\  r  file. 

(31;)  There  was  a  vq  thai  tried  ro  gel  hold 

oil  Wendell    Phillip's.,  I    abolitionist,    in 

i  'mis!  nil.-  -Di 

(8k£)  NEW  YOB        I  :mx. 

They  oppose  coercion,  favor  Crittenden's  compro- 
mise, exhort  all  men  to  unite  witli  them  in  submitting 
that  compromise  to  a  vote  o['  the  people  of  the  States; 
exhort  all  seceui;,  to^relYain  from    acts    of   ag- 

gression or  any  course  calculated  to  plunge  the  nation 
into  civil  war,  and  urge  upon  the  non  slave  holding 
States  to  use  their  influence  with  their  brethren  South 
to  that  end. — Albany,  February,   1st,  18G1. — Ob, 

'.)  The  fugitive  slave  law  has  times  more  than  once 
caused  free  ns  of  color  of  the  North  to  be  sent  into 

slavery. — JS  es. — Observer,  January  lOl 

(34.)  And  if  a  man  ye  of  his  Bervant  or 

i'his  maid  that  it  peri  ',.  ;  he  shall  let  him  go 
free  tbf  hi   -  ;  e1 

And  if  he  smite  out  bis  man  servants  tooth  or  his 
maid  servants  tooth ;  he  hall  let  him  go  free  for  his 
tooth's  sake.     Ex.  :,:::.  26,  27. 


100 

Then  if  a  servant  should  have  his  liberty  given  him 
for  the  loss  of  an  eye,  <*r  so*  small  a  member  as  a  tooth, 
how  much  more  should  he  have  his  liberty  given  him 
when  lie  has  been  whipeel  for  sooth  almost  to  death. 
There  has  been  almost  every  degree  of  punishment  in- 
flicted in  these  Southern  States.  Some  have  been  whiped 
until  it  has  caused  their  death ;  others  so  as  to  be  on  the 
verge  of  death;  and  others  so  as  to  be  bed-ridden  for 
several  weeks.  These  cases  though,  as  elsewhere  men- 
tioned, are  exceeding  rare ;  and  I  do  not  wish  to  create 
the  impression  that  they  are,  so  far  as  my  knowledge 
goes,  any  thing  else  but  very  rare,  being  scarcely 
witnessed  in  a  life  time  .in  this  section. 

The  suffering  caused  by  the  loss  of  an  eye,  or  so 
small  a  member  as  a  tooth,  must  be  small  in  comparison 
to  what  is  sffered  in  one  of  those  brutish  whippings; 
Whilst  I  consider  such  treatment  as  unnecessary  to 
enforce  obedience,  I  look  upon  it  as  savage  and  inhuman, 
unbecoming  a  civilized  nation.  I  there  forest  h  ink  there 
should  be  laws  passed  such  as  would  insure  their 
general  good  treatment. 

It  may  be  argued  that  laws  have  already  been  passed 
inmost  if  not  all  of  the  slave  States  respecting  the 
treatment  of  servants;  so  there  have  been.  But  is  there 
much  more  attention  paid  to  these  laws  than  if  they 
had  not  been  passed?  Is  it  not  very  rarely,  almost 
never  I  might  say,  that  we  hear  of  any  one  being  re- 
ported for  mistreatment  of  his  servants,  whereas  inst- 
ances of  mistreatment  do  some  times  take  place.  But 
until  a  law  is  passed  to  fine  heavily  our  Sheriffs, 
Magistrates  and  even  private  citizens,  if  they  even  know 
of  such  an  instance  of  mistreatment  and  fail  to  report 
it,  we  need  not  expect  to  see  the  requisitions  of  such  a 
law  carried  out.  Notwithstanding  such  may.be  on  the 
several  statute  books  of  all  the  slave  States,  there  will 
be  but  little  more  attention  paid  to  them  than  if  they 
were  not  there,  without  gome  such  a  provision  as  has 
been  mentioned.  But  by  having  a  law  that  the  owner 
should  forfeit  the  freedom  of  his  servant  mistreated, 
and  then  fined  about  $1,000  into  the  bargain,  one  half 
to  the  informer,  the  other  half  to  the  State,  I  think  the 
evil  could  be  effectually  broken  up. 


161 


These  laws  passed,  we  might  then  I  flunk,  expeet 
soon  to  see  these  few  exceptions  to  good  treatment 
effectually  done  away  with. 

(35.)  And  if  thy  brother  that  dwell eth  by  thee  he 
waxen  po'flr  and  be  sold  unto  thee,  thou  shall  not  com- 
pel him  to  serve  as  a  bond  servant. 

But  as  a  hired  servant,  and  as  a  sojourner,  he  shall 
be  with  thee,  and  shall  serve  thee  unto  the  year  of 
jubilee: 

And  then  shall  he  depart  from  thee,  both  he  and  his 
children  with  him,  and  shall  return  unto  his  own  family, 
and  unto  the  possession  of  his  fathers  shall  he  return. 

For  they  arc  my  servants  which  I  brought  forth  but 
of  tlic  land  of  Egypt;  tlicy  shall  not  be  sold  as  bend- 
men.  Thou  shalt  not  rule  over  him  with  rigor,  but 
shalt  fear  thy  God. 

Both  thy  bondmen,  and  tlry  bondmaids,  which 
thou  shalt  have,  shall  be  of  the  heathen  that  are  round 
about  you ;  of  them  shall  ye  buy  bondmen  and  bond- 
maids. 

Moreover  of  the  children  of  strangers  that  do  sojourn 
among  you,  of  them  shall  ye  buy,  and  of  their  families 
that  af^  with  you,  which  tlicy  begat  in  your  land;  and 
they  shall  he  your  possession. 

And  ye  shall  take  them  as   an    inheritance  for   your 

children  after  you,  to   inherit  them    for   a  possession; 

they  shall  be  your  bondmen  forever;    but   over  your 

brethren  the  children  of  Israel,  ye  shall  not   rule    one 

c  another  with^rigor.  Lev.  xxv.  39 — 46, 

(•>  '>.)  Thou   shalt  not    deliver  unto    his    master    the 
servant  which  is  escaped  from  his  master  unto  thee. 
;.  xxiii.  1"». 

.)   Among  other   laws   that  Lycurgus    introduced 


162 


into  Sparta  was  one,  that  a  man's  daughters  should  in- 
herit no  part  of  their  father's  estate,  but  that  it  should 
be  divided  equally  among  his  sons.  Being  called  upon 
to  explain  the  object  of  this  curious  law,  he  said: 
''The  young  men  in  making  matches  would  not  Then 
be  choosing  for  property,  but  would  go  for  worth  and 
merit."  It  would  also  seem  to  tend  to  prevent  the 
sexes  from  leading  lives  of  the  unnatural  state  of 
celibacy,  for  they  frequently  keep  picking  aiid  choosing 
for  property,  until  they  pick  through  and  get  nobody. 

(38.)  Theprogrcss  ofthencgro  race  in theSlave  States 
is  remarkable  and  unexampeled.  At  'the  year  of  our  in- 
dependence, there  were  in  all  of  the  thirteen  origional 
States,  composing  the  then  Federal  Union,  but  litrjo 
more  than  600,000  slaves — twelve  of  these  being  slave 
States.  .  Of  those,  seven  became  afterward  free  States, 
leaving  out  of  the' thirteen,  to  the  South,  but  five.  Yet 
there  is  at  the  South  to-day  a  slave  population  of  between 
four-and-a-half  and  five  millions  of  slaves;  happier  and 
better  cared  for  in  physicial  and  spiritual  relation, 
than  any  other  equal  numbers  of  industrial  classes  upon 
the  face  of  the  globe.  iSTay,  but  the  slaves  are  generally 
in  every  element  of  utility,  respectability,  and*refme- 
ment,  far  in  advance  of  the  free  negroes  of  the  slave 
States  even.  "  As  to  a  free  negro  hiring  himself  out  for 
plantation  labor,"  writes  Mr.  Lewis,  seventeen  years 
before  the  act  ofBritish  emancipation,  "no  instance  of 
such  a  thing  was  ever  known  in  Jamaica;  and  probably 
no  price,however  great, would  be  considered  by  them  as 
a  sufficient  temptation."  And  the  same  is  true  of  the 
free  negro  everywhere.  In  1839,  one  year  after  the 
act  of  emancipation,  the  exportation  of  sugar  from  the 
.  sland  of  Jamaica  had  fallen  off  8,460  hogsheads,  while 


103 


the  exportation  of  coffee, in  the  ir,had  deceased 

38,554  hundreds  weight — almost  one-third  of  the  wliole 
amount  of  the  preceding  year.  Between  184.6  and 
1853,   there   were   one   hundred  and,  sixty^eight    s 

■  wholly  abandoned,  and  sixty- three  partially — 
valued  thee  years  after  the  emancipation  at  nearly  eight 
and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  Of  Coffee  plantations, 
there   were  twenty    ]  .   and    two    hundred    and 

twenty-three  completely,  deserted; — valued  in  the  i 
year  at  $2,500,000;  while  of  grazing  farms,  there  were 
one  hundred  and  thirty  two  totally  or  partially  i 
ken  valued  at  about  a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars—  ma- 
king a  grand  total, in  seven  years, of  over  six  hundred  es- 
tates, relinquished  to  barbarism  and  decay,  and  valued 
forty  years  ago  at  nearly  #13,000,000.  iYcw,aecording  to 
John  Bigelow,  one  of  the   editors  of  the    New   York 

'rig  Post,  •'.'  the  finest  land  in  the  world  may  be 
had  at  any  price   and   almost  for  the    asking.     Labor 

.  esno  compensation  ;  and  the  product   of  labor 

not  seem  to  know  how  to  find  the  way  to  market." 
.Inch  once  were,  worth  $2,000  per  annum,  do 
not  now  yield  the  value  ofthe  cultivation.  The  busy< 
lnjmofthe^millsandiQaaclHneryofcapitalisI  a  Ll  -need 
in  .Jamaica.  The  free  negroos,iu  sloth  and  idlenessfbasfc 
in  the  sunshine,  upon  what  were  formely  the  planta- 
tions of  their  masters.  "While  the  intrepid  Englishman 

ing  his  life  beneath  a  burning  sun,  the  n 
lives  by  stealing,  or  carrying  away  as  a  matter  of  course 
the  yamswhichgrowspontanoous'ly  upon  theplaut 
of  the  tbrmer.     Where  were  formerly  the   racecourse 
audi  !'c — whereth  indhappy 

larket-pl ace — there  are  to-day  ruin 
and  devolution  ;  rats  and  negroes  dii  puting  their  r< 
tive  claims  to  r  sovereignty,  and  nettles  and   ivy 

ornamenting  the  site  of  public  buildi 


164 

Even  British  Guiana— once  the  garden  of  gardens- 
has  become  a  wild  forest  again— swamps  andwildbeasts 
have  taken  the  place  of  cultivation  and  civilized  man. 
All  along  the  bank  of  the  Demarara  river,  before 
emancipation  blossoming  like  the  rose  and  covered  with 
plaintains  and  coffee,  there  are  now  misery,  desolation, 
broken  bridges,  and  impassible  roads.  Essequibo,  and 
its  once  famous  Arabian  coast,  formerly  the  boast  of 
British  colonists,  is  now  almost  a  desert  waste.  And 
the  fate  of  Berbice  is  no  better.'  Of  its  18,000  black 
inhabitants,twelve  thousand  have  degenerated  to  a  con- 
dition of  pure  savagism,  and  withdrawn  from  all  indus- 
trial pursuits  in  ignorence  and  idleness.  In  1829,  the 
district  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Berbice  river,  gave  em- 
ployment to  nearly  four  thousand  slaves  ;  whereas  there 
are  hardly  five  hundred  persons  employed  there  now. 
The  whole  is  rapidly  becoming  one  vast  swamp;  and,  to 
use  the  .language  of  the  historian,  Alision  :  "  the  negroes, 
who  in  a  state  of  slavery  were  comfortable  and  prospe- 
rous beyond  any  peasantry  in  the  world,  and  rapidly 
approaching  the  condition  of  the  most  opulent  serfs  in 
Earoye,  have  been  by  the  act  of  emancipation  irretrievably 
consigned  tobarbarism." 

The  same  may  be  said  of  Hayti,once  the  pride  of  the 
ocean  nowapolitieal  curse  and  social  ulcer,  with  the 
monstrous  tragedy  of  which  the  reader  cannot  be  unao- 
quainted.  Robespierre,Danton,Brissot,and  other  blood- 
hounds and  incarnate  devils,of  the  French  Revolution, 
calling  themselves  Amis  des  Mis,  and  anticipating  the 
Beeehers,  Sewards,  Garrisons,  Ptiillipses,  and  Parkers, 
of  the  North,  stimulated  the  negroes  of  this  unfortunate 
Island  into  a  servile  and  barbarous  insurrection.  The  a- 
trocities  which  ensued  are  without  a  parallel  in  the  most 
diabolical  annals  of  crime.     "  The  victorious  slaves," 


165 

says  Alison  in  his    "  History  of  Europe," — "  marched 
with  spiked  infants  on  their  spears   instead  of  colors, 
and  sawed  assunder  the    male   prisoners.     And   when 
this  demonical  work  of  unutterable  brutality. in  the  dra- 
ma of  Hay  ti  en  "liberty  "•  was  completed — what  follow- 
ed? The  sugar  exported  from  this  Island  in  thSyear  1789 
amounted  to  672,000,000  pounds.     In   180G,  seventeen 
years    after,  the  exportation   had  fallen  to  47,616,531 
pounds.     Nineteen  years    later,  in  1825,  the  exporta- 
tion of  sugar  from  ITayti  was   2,020    pounds',  aud .in 
seven  years  more  it  had  entirely  erased  !  Thus  by  giv- 
ing freedom  to  Hayticn  negroes,  in  the  short  space  of 
forty-three  years,  humanity  and    civilization,  were  de- 
prived, in  the  aggregate,  of  28,896,000,000   pounds  of 
sugar  ond  the  Queen-Island  of  the  seas  relinquished  to 
barbarism,  desolation,  brutal  licentiousness,  and  crime 
in  every  hideous  form.     In  a  condition  of  slavery,  the 
the  negro  may  prove  himself  to  be  a  most  useful  inter- 
esting, and  affectionate  animal  ;  but  he  will  not   work 
without  a  master.     The  experiment  of  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings — the  most  generous  and  sincere  of  all  American 
abolitionists— exemplifies  this.     He  had    a  large   tract 
of  land  settled  by  negroes,  upon  each  of  whom  he  be- 
stowed a  portion  of  it,  with  all  of  the  implements   nec- 
essary to  the  farmer.     In  a  few  years    the   village  was 
deserted,  the  land  remained    waste    and    uncultivated, 
•  and  Mr.  Giddiugs  was   constrained  to  confess  that  his 
black  Eutopia  was  but  a  fond  and  idle  dream. —  Cause 
and  Contrast,  pp.  87-91. 

Note  To  prove  farther  that  the  Blacks  that  arc  in 
servitude  are  in  a  happier  and  better  condition  than 
their  free  brethren  North  or  South  are  in  I  refer  to  the 
following. 

In  1800  there  were  in  the  United    Slates   1,087,359, 


166 

free  blades  arc  only  $93,041  slaves.  In  1851,  the  slave 
population  of  the  Southern  States  was  3,204,287,  and 
the  free  black  population  of  the  whole  .United  States 
was  only  4-34,495  and  or' these  there  resided  over  half 
in  the  Slave  States.     The  eras    while   the    slave 

population  has  been  increasing  without  scarcely  a  par- 
eill  in  history,  the  free  black  "lias  been  decreasing  as 
fast  for  it.  This  does  not  argue  well  in.  favor  of  e- 
maneipation. 

(39.)  The  husbandman  that  Jabor'eth  must  first  be 
partaker  of  the  fruits,    ii  Tim.   ih  6. 

Although  it  does  not  mention  servants  in  the  above 
text  I  think  it  is  cvedint  thatdf  the  Husbandman  that  la- 
boreth  should  receive  of  the  first  fruits, the  servant  that 
hiboreth  should  be  allowed  to  partake  of  at  least  the 
common  stock. 

(40.)  People  being  so  ready  to  engage  in  wars  and 
battles  reminds  me  of  a  piece  that  I  was  once  reading 
which  I  will  here  relate. 

There  were  once  two  soldiers  that  "had  a  falling  out. 
One  sent  the  other  a  challenge  to  fight  a  duel.  The 
one  challenged  declined  accepting.  The  other  one 
taunted  him  with  the  name  coward.  The  soldies  also 
soon  took  a  part  in  it  and  thinking  that  the  man  that 
shows  fight  under  any  and  eveiy  occasion  is  the  man 
they  too  taunted  this  other  gentleman  with  the  name, 
coward.  So  he  soon -came  to  be  look  upon  and  poin- 
ted at  by  all  as  a  coward.  At  last  this  epithet  became 
rather  familiar  to  our  friedd.  So  one  eveningwhilst  he 
was  in  a  room  with  a  good  many  of  his  fellow  soldiers 
upon  some  of  them  taunting  him  again  with  his  rather 
familiar  name  hesays  to  them  :  Gentlemen  I  will  see  who 
of  you  will  dare  true  bravery.  So  saying  ho  pulled 
out  a  hand  grenade  and  held  the  fuse  to  a  candle  until 
it  had  lighted;  he  then  threw  it  on  the  floor.     There 


was  immediately  a  general  stampede  for  the  door,  and 
^^ei^huiMytogetont'agOodinattjw^reprecipatedand 
knocked  down  ;  so  there  was  for  awhile  at  the  door  a 
complete  mass  ofcrawlie.  bout  WOi  The 

door  though  was  after awhile  cleared  and  they  all  out 
Stnd  -one.  Our  friend  sriij  stood  over  the  grenade  with 
Hie  arm  a  folded.  Atlaethcarmg  the  ex]  i  heyranin 

0xpedting  to  rind  him  torn  in  pieces  ;  but   they  found 
lnm  there  with  Jiis  arms  still    folded  sale  am! '  sound. 
He  remarked  that  if  he  risked  his  llfe,he  wished  it  to  be 
where- there  was  a.  prospect  pfits  doing some  good, 
as  in  defense  of  his  country  wheirwron  .  or  in 

•personal  defense.  Sutas-forfightiug  duels  he  did  not  de- 
sire thus  needlessly-  to  kill  nor  to  be  killed.  After  thia 
they  did  not  taunt  him  any  more  .'is  being  a  coward. 

There  is  a  moral  in  the  above  to  which  I  wish  to  call 
attention    of    the    reader.       You   have  doubtless 
noticed  that  il  is  not  always  the  man  t! 
Jiil(l  ma!-  ay  with  words  that  ia 

ahva>  requently 

do  much  harm  by  a  display  of  their   malignant    di 
Bitions,  .  which    are    more  quarj 

frequently  pul  oiiea  to  fighl 

But  were  I  going  to  pick  Ot  a  truly  brave  man,  one 
that  combines  bravery  with  prudence,  I    would 
oneth  but  little  of  his  plans  and  purposes  until 

it  comes  time  When  i1 

forhim  to  act,he  does  so  with  his  wl  land  en 

:  why  peopleshou  d  i 

much  a.s  p.,-  ev  are  apt    to   -row 

fond  of  it  and  thus  become  schooled  and   nurtured    in 

ll  as  it  were.     Wars  I  think  in    this  way    tend  to 

•ralizc  man.  and  t  •  make  hi  n  in  .  and 

-  in   he   otherwise    would    be.     Thi  .-    De 

likened  unto  a  sur«  eon  do<  tor  ii  At 

timidity  and  foai  in  ,    0p- 

x. 


168 


erations,  but  by  practice  he  soon  gets  so  that  he  can 
amputate  a  limb  without  feeling  any  of  this  timidi'ty 
whatever;  so  of  wars.  A  man  by  being  frequenly  in 
battles  gets  use  to  seeing  the  dead,  and  sometimes,  I 
presume,  even  a  fondness  is  formed  tor  the  novelties  o" 
the  battle  field.  From  the  fact  that  man  thus  becomes 
hardened  and  demoralized  is,  I  think,  of  itself,  sufii-,- 
cient  to  teach  us  that  wars  should  be  avoided  as  much 
as  possible. 

I  will  endeavor  to  make  my  position  -a  little  plainer 
by  the  following  comparison  ;  though  somewhat  novel 
it  will  probably  answer  for  an  illustration.  The  Rattle 
snake  is  probably  the  most  deadly  and  fatal  of  any  of 
the  reptile  tribe,  with  which  man  has  to  contend,  yet 
he  is  not  the  first  to  resort  to  violence.  He  will  first 
give  you  warning  with  one  twitch  of  his  rattle  ;  if  you 
still  intrude  you  may  then  expect  a  deadly  wound. 
Some  of  the  smaller  reptiles  would  have  you  bitten  two 
or  three  times  before  the  rattle  snake  strikes  once,  but 
when  he  does  strike,  he  makes  up  for  all.  He  appears 
to  be  slow  to  anger.  Even  here,  among  the  reptiles, 
man  is  taught  a  lesson— be  slow  to  anger.  We  should 
wait  until  justice  fully  demands  that  we  should  strike 
a  blow ;  we  may  then  expect  it  to  be  more  eflective. 

(41)  HENRY  CLAY  ON  SECESSION. 

He  said,  I  have  been  asked  when  I  would  consent  to 
give  up  this  Union.  I  answer  never,  never,  never!  and 
I  warn  you  now  my  countrymen  if  as  things  seem  to  tend, 
this  country  shall  be  divided  into  a  union  and  disunion 
party,  I  here  now,  no  matter  who  compose  that  party, 
declare  myself  a  member  of  the  Union  party.  Whether 
it  be  a  Whig  or  a  Democrat  that  belongs  to  the  party 
of  the  union,  there  I  subscribe  my  name,  there  I  unite 
my  heart  and  hand  with  that  party. 

Extract  of  a  speech  delivered  in  Bowling  Green  in 
1S50.  * 

I  will  only  ask  the  question  if  the  old  patriot  was 
with  us  to-day  which  side  do  you  think  he  would  be  on?* 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 
I. 

The  Sectional  Troubles.  -  -  -        5 

II. 
Secession  of  South  Carolina.  -  -  12 

III. 
Taking  of  Fort  Sumter.  -  -  -        17 

IV. 
Further  Particulars.  25 

V. 
President  Lincoln  issues  his  Proclamation  call- 
ing for  75,000  troops.  -  -  29 
VI. 
Letters  of  Marque  issued.            -          -          -      34 

VII. 
Personal  Liberty  Bills.  -  -  -        35 

vm. 

Treatment  of  Servants.  -  -  -40 

IX. 
Treatment  of  Servants — Continued.         -         -        47 

X. 
Blockade  Established.  49 

XI. 
Our  Government  as  Compared  with  others.     -      66 


Further  Comparison. 


170 
XII. 

XIII. 


Plan  of  Adjustment.  - 

XIV. 
•       Plan  of  Adjustment — Continued.    With  an  argu- 
ment that  the  righteous  should  rule.  -        89 

xv: 

Sudden  call  of  God  and  Profession  of  Religion.     97 

XVI. 
Further  Account.  -  -  -         -      120 

XVII. 
General  Review.  -  -  -  -       125 

XVIII. 
Conclusion.  -         •-  -         -  -      136 


ERKATA. 


Numerous  typographical  errors  have  douhtle-ssMieen  noticed  in  the 
foregoing  and  particularly  in  the  first  four  forms,  or  first  ninety-six 
pages  of  the  book.  The  great  haste  with  which  wchavo  frequently 
gone  to  press,  together  with  my  own  inexperience,  being  my  first 
attempt  at  correcting  a  proof  sheet,  will,  I  hope,  be  considered  a 
sufficient  apology  for  these  errors;  some  of  the  principal  of  which 
I  will  here  notice: 

For  It, 

"  allawance, 

"  meecy, 

"  case, 

"  elector  ial, 

"  peaceable, 

"  r  ought, 

**  then, 

'"  except, 

"  somebohy, 

,:  off, 

"  prbp, 

*>  unimployed, 

"  unrivaleed, 

"  presperity, 

"  recources, 

M  stricture, 

"  conditions, 

"  obsticable, 

"  quiting, 

"  natnre, 

"  had, 

"  againgt, 


page  10  line  15 

read  I. 

"'      8 

a 

14 

" 

allowance. 

"      8 

a 

29 

" 

mercy. 

•■     12 

a 

1 

a 

••      1! 

" 

4 

a 

electoral. 

"     18 
"     42 

(1 

26 
12 

peaceably, 
rough. 

"     48 

(I 

14 

a 

there. 

"      !S 

a 

30 

a 

expect. 

"    52 
"     55 

tt 

34 
29 

tt 

somebody. 
of. 

"    65 

"    67 

ft 

a 

35 

12 

tt 

drop. 

unemployed. 

"    69 

(( 

4 

a 

unrivaled. 

"    69 
"    69 

it 
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resources. 

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A  RAY  OF  LIGHT, 


on 


'■$>  fyis^tftktivt  ^rtnthi 


OS    THJ5 


SECTIONAL    TROUBLES. 


PEICE  $1.00.    3Y  MAIL  $1  20. 


p*   &.11  ::  Lx'i  the  Ci 

taken  at  par  .v'ijJS   the    exception'  of  sliinplastJvs  01 

other   Stales.  ':              •    not  receivable  at  pa;-  uu 

they  be  oil-."  Njlina  -"brand* 

g@^  All  orders  addressed  to  the*  author  at  Brower 
Mills,  X.  C,  shall  have  prompt  attention. 


♦V  > 


»  -_4U 


^# 


